The Great French Revolution
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The Great French Revolution
The Capture of the Bastille, July 14, 1789 Country France France
Date July 14, 1789 — November 9, 1799
Reasons the crisis of the absolutist system
Results the abolition of the monarchy, the creation of the First French Republic
The driving forces of the third estate: the bourgeoisie, the peasantry and the urban plebeian
The Great French Revolution (fr. Révolution française) is the largest transformation of the social and political system of France, which led to the destruction of the Old Order (fr. Ancien Régime) and absolute monarchy in the country, and the proclamation of the First French Republic (September 1792) de jure free and equal citizens under the motto "Freedom, equality, fraternity".
The beginning of the revolution was the capture of the Bastille on July 14, 1789, and historians consider the end to be November 9, 1799 (the coup of 18 brumaire).
Content
1 The causes of the Revolution 2 The Absolute monarchy 2.1 The Pre revolutionary crisis 2.2 The Aristocratic Fronde 2.3 The Convocation of the States General 2.4 The Proclamation of the National Assembly 2.5 The Taking of the Bastille
3 Constitutional monarchy 3.1 Municipal and peasant Revolutions 3.2 The March on Versailles 3.3 The Reconstruction of France 3.4 The Varennes crisis 3.5 The Fall of the Monarchy
4 The First Republic 4.1 The National Convention 4.1.1 The Trial of Louis XVI 4.1.2 The Fall of the Gironde 4.1.3 The Jacobin Convention 4.1.3.1 The Revolutionary Government 4.1.3.2 The Organization of Victory 4.1.3.3 Terror 4.1.3.4 The struggle of factions 4.1.3.5 The Thermidorian Coup
4.1.4 Thermidorian reaction
4.2 Directory 4.2.1 Stabilization attempt 4.2.2 Crisis of 1799 4.2.3 18 brumaire
5 Results of the Revolution 6 Historiography 6.1 Character
7 Songs of Revolutionary France 8 Revolution in Philately 9 See also 10 Notes 11 Literature 12 In cinema 13 References
The reasons for the revolution[edit / edit wiki text]
France in the XVIII century was a monarchy based on bureaucratic centralization and a regular army.
The socio economic and political regime that existed in the country was formed as a result of complex compromises developed during a long political confrontation and civil wars of the XIV XVI centuries.
One of such compromises existed between the royal power and the privileged estates — for the rejection of political rights, the state power protected the social privileges of these two estates with all the means at its disposal.
Another compromise existed in relation to the peasantry — during a long series of peasant wars of the XIV—XVI centuries, the peasants achieved the abolition of the vast majority of monetary taxes and the transition to natural relations in agriculture.
The third compromise existed in relation to the bourgeoisie (which at that time was the middle class, in whose interests the government also did a lot, preserving a number of privileges of the bourgeoisie in relation to the bulk of the population (the peasantry) and supporting the existence of tens of thousands of small enterprises, the owners of which were a layer of the French bourgeoisie).
However, the regime formed as a result of these complex compromises did not ensure the normal development of France, which in the XVIII century began to lag behind its neighbors, primarily from England.
In addition, excessive exploitation increasingly armed the masses of the people against themselves, whose most legitimate interests were completely ignored by the state.
Gradually, during the XVIII century, an understanding matured at the top of French society that the old order with its underdeveloped market relations, chaos in the management system, a corrupt system of selling public positions, the lack of clear legislation, a confusing taxation system and an archaic system of class privileges needed to be reformed.
In addition, the royal power was losing confidence in the eyes of the clergy, the nobility and the bourgeoisie, among whom the idea was asserted that the power of the king was a usurpation in relation to the rights of estates and corporations (Montesquieu's point of view) or in relation to the rights of the people (Rousseau's point of view).
Thanks to the activities of enlighteners, of whom physiocrats and encyclopedists are especially important, a revolution took place in the minds of the educated part of French society.
Finally, under Louis XV and to an even greater extent under Louis XVI, reforms were initiated in the political and economic fields, which inevitably had to lead to the collapse of the Old Order.
Absolute monarchy[edit / edit wiki text]
In the pre revolutionary years, France was hit by a number of natural disasters.
The drought of 1785 caused a feed famine.
In 1787, there was a shortage of silk cocoons.
This led to a reduction in the Lyon silk weaving production.
At the end of 1788, there were 20-25 thousand unemployed people in Lyon alone.
A strong hail in July 1788 destroyed the grain harvest in many provinces.
The extremely severe winter of 1788/89 destroyed many vineyards and part of the harvest.
Food prices have risen.
The supply of bread and other products to the markets has sharply deteriorated.
To top it all off, an industrial crisis began, which was triggered by the Anglo French trade treaty of 1786.
Under this agreement, both parties significantly reduced customs duties.
The contract turned out to be disastrous for French production, which could not withstand the competition of cheaper English goods that poured into France[1][2].
The pre revolutionary crisis[edit / edit wiki text]
The pre revolutionary crisis originates from the participation of France in the American War of Independence.
The revolt of the English colonies can be considered the main and immediate cause of the French Revolution, both because the ideas of human rights found a strong response in France and echoed the ideas of the Enlightenment, and because Louis XVI received his finances in a very bad state.
Necker financed the war with loans.
After the conclusion of peace in 1783, the deficit of the royal treasury was more than 20 percent.
In 1788, expenses amounted to 629 million livres, while taxes brought only 503 million.
It was impossible to raise traditional taxes, which were mainly paid by peasants, in the conditions of the economic downturn of the 80s.
Contemporaries accused the court of extravagance.
Public opinion of all classes unanimously believed that the approval of taxes should be the prerogative of the States General and elected representatives[3].
Charles Alexandre de Calonne
For some time, Necker's successor, Calonne, continued the practice of loans.
When the sources of loans began to dry up, on August 20, 1786, Calonne notified the king that financial reform was necessary[4].
To cover the deficit (fr. Precis d'un plan d'amelioration des finances), it was proposed to replace the twenty, which was actually paid only by the third estate, with a new land tax that would fall on all lands in the kingdom, including the lands of the nobility and clergy.
To overcome the crisis, it was necessary for everyone to pay taxes[5].
To revive trade, it was proposed to introduce freedom of grain trade and abolish internal customs duties.
Calonne also returned to the plans of Turgot and Necker regarding local self government.
It was proposed to create district, provincial and communal assemblies, in which all owners with an annual income of at least 600 livres would participate[6].
Realizing that such a program would not find support from parliaments, Calonne advised the king to convene notables, each of whom was personally invited by the king and whose loyalty could be counted on.
Thus, the government appealed to the aristocracy — to save the finances of the monarchy and the foundations of the old regime, to save most of its privileges, sacrificing only a part[7].
But at the same time, this was the first concession of absolutism: the king consulted with his aristocracy, and did not notify it of his will[8].
The aristocratic fronde[edit / edit wiki text]
The notables gathered at Versailles on February 22, 1787.
Among them were princes of the blood, dukes, marshals, bishops and archbishops, presidents of parliaments, quartermasters, deputies of provincial states, mayors of major cities a total of 144 people.
Reflecting the prevailing opinion of the privileged classes, the notables expressed their indignation at the reform proposals to elect provincial assemblies without class distinction, as well as attacks on the rights of the clergy.
As expected, they condemned the direct land tax and demanded that the Treasury report be studied first.
Struck by the state of finances heard in the report, they declared Calonne himself the main culprit of the deficit.
As a result, Louis XVI had to resign Calonne on April 8, 1787[9].
Lomeni de Brienne
Lomeny de Brienne was appointed Calonne's successor on the recommendation of Queen Marie Antoinette, to whom the notables provided a loan of 67 million livres, which allowed plugging some holes in the budget.
But the notables refused to approve the land tax, which fell on all estates, citing their incompetence.
This meant that they were referring the king to the States General.
Lomeny de Brienne was forced to pursue the policy outlined by his predecessor.
One after another, the king's edicts appear on the freedom of the grain trade, on the replacement of road serfdom with a monetary tax, on stamp and other fees, on the return of civil rights to Protestants, on the creation of provincial assemblies in which the third estate had a representation equal to that of the two privileged estates, taken together, and finally, on the land tax falling on all estates.
But the Paris and other parliaments refuse to register these edicts.
On August 6, 1787, a meeting is held with the presence of the king (French Lit de justice), and the controversial edicts are entered into the books of the Paris Parliament.
But the next day, the parliament cancels as illegal the resolutions adopted the day before by order of the king.
The king sends the Parisian Parliament to Troyes, but this causes such a storm of protests that Louis XVI soon amnesties the recalcitrant parliament, which now also demands the convocation of the States General[10].
The movement for the restoration of the rights of parliaments, initiated by the judicial aristocracy, increasingly developed into a movement for the convocation of the States General.
The privileged estates now only cared that the States General should be convened in the old forms, and that the third Estate should receive only one third of the seats, and that the voting should be carried out by name.
This gave the majority of the privileged estates in the States General and the right to dictate their political will to the king on the ruins of absolutism.
Many historians call this period the "aristocratic revolution", and the conflict of the aristocracy with the monarchy with the appearance of the third estate on the scene becomes nationwide[11].
Convocation of the States General[edit / edit wiki text]
Jacques Necker
At the end of August 1788, the ministry of Lomeni de Brienne was dismissed and Necker was again called to power (with the title of Director General of Finance).
Necker again began to regulate the grain trade.
He banned the export of bread and ordered to buy bread abroad.
The obligation to sell grain and flour only in the markets was also restored.
The local authorities were allowed to keep records of grain and flour and force the owners to take their stocks to the markets.
But Necker failed to stop the rise in prices for bread and other products.
The Royal Regulations of January 24, 1789 decided to convene the States General and indicated the purpose of the future meeting "to establish a permanent and unchangeable order in all parts of the administration concerning the happiness of the subjects and the welfare of the kingdom, to cure the diseases of the state as soon as possible and to eliminate all abuses".
The right to vote was given to all French males who had reached the age of twenty five, had a permanent place of residence and were listed in the tax lists.
The elections were two stage (and sometimes three stage), that is, first representatives of the population (electors) were chosen, who determined the deputies of the assembly[12].
At the same time, the king expressed the desire that"both at the extreme limits of his kingdom and in the least known villages, everyone should be provided with the opportunity to bring their wishes and their complaints to his attention."
These instructions (French cahiers de doleances), the "list of complaints", reflected the moods and demands of various groups of the population.
The orders from the third estate required that all noble and ecclesiastical lands, without exception, should be taxed at the same rate as the lands of the unprivileged, required not only the periodic convocation of the States General, but also that they should represent not the estates, but the nation, and that the ministers should be responsible to the nation represented in the States General.
The peasant orders demanded the destruction of all the feudal rights of the lords, all feudal payments, tithes, the exclusive right of hunting and fishing for the nobles, and the return of the communal lands seized by the lords.
The bourgeoisie demanded the abolition of all restrictions on trade and industry.
All the orders condemned judicial arbitrariness (fr. lettres de cachet), demanded a jury trial, freedom of speech and the press[13].
Emmanuel Joseph Sieyes
The elections to the States General caused an unprecedented rise in political activity and were accompanied by the publication of numerous pamphlets and pamphlets, the authors of which expressed their views on the problems of the day and formulated a variety of socio economic and political demands.
Abbot Sieyes ' pamphlet "What is the Third Estate?"was a great success.
Its author argued that only the third estate makes up the nation, and the privileged are alien to the nation, a burden that lies on the nation.
It was in this pamphlet that the famous aphorism was formulated: "What is the third estate? ".
What has it been so far in political terms?
Nothing.
What does it require?
Become something."
The center of the opposition or "patriotic party" was the Committee of Thirty that emerged in Paris.
It included the hero of the American War of Independence, the Marquis of Lafayette, the Abbot of Sieyes, the bishop of Talleyrand, the Count of Mirabeau, the councilor of the Parliament of Duport.
The Committee launched an active agitation in support of the demand to double the representation of the third estate and introduce a universal (fr. par tête) vote of deputies[14].
The issue of the working order of the States caused sharp disagreements.
The States General were convened for the last time in 1614.
Then, traditionally, all estates had equal representation, and voting was held by estates (fr. par ordre): one vote was held by the clergy, one by the nobility and one by the third estate.
At the same time, the provincial assemblies created by Lomeny de Brienne in 1787 had a double representation of the third estate and the overwhelming majority wanted the same part of the country's population.
Necker also wanted the same, realizing that he needed a broader support in carrying out the necessary reforms and overcoming the opposition of the privileged classes.
On December 27, 1788, it was announced that the third Estate in the States General would receive double representation.
The question of the voting procedure remained unresolved[15].
Proclamation of the National Assembly[edit / edit wiki text]
Opening of the States General
May 5, 1789 in the hall of the palace " Small amusements "(Fr. Menus plaisirs) The grand opening of the States General of Versailles took place.
The deputies were placed in shifts: to the right of the king's chair sat the clergy, to the left the nobility, opposite the third estate.
The meeting was opened by the king, who warned the deputies against "dangerous innovations" (fr. innovations dangereuses) and made it clear that he sees the task of the States General only in finding funds to replenish the state treasury.
Meanwhile, the country was waiting for reforms from the States General.
The conflict between the estates in the States General began already on May 6, when the deputies of the clergy and the nobility gathered for separate meetings to begin checking the powers of the deputies.
The deputies of the third estate refused to be constituted in a special chamber and invited deputies from the clergy and nobility to a joint review of their powers.
Long negotiations between the estates began[16].
In the end, there was a split in the ranks of deputies, first from the clergy, and then from the nobility.
On June 10, Abbot Sieyes proposed to appeal to the privileged estates with a final invitation, and on June 12, the roll call of deputies of all three estates began according to the jury lists.
In the following days, about 20 deputies from the clergy joined the deputies of the third estate and on June 17, a majority of 490 votes against 90 declared itself the National Assembly (Fr. Assemblee nationale).
Two days later, the deputies from the clergy, after a stormy debate, decided to join the third estate.
Louis XVI and his entourage were extremely dissatisfied and the king ordered to close the hall of "Small Amusements" under the pretext of repairs[17].
The oath in the ballroom
On the morning of June 20, deputies of the third estate found the meeting room locked.
Then they gathered in the Ballroom (French Jeu de paume) and, at the suggestion of Mounier, took an oath not to disperse until they had worked out a constitution.
On June 23, a "royal session" (French Lit de justice) was held for the States General in the hall of "Small Amusements".
The deputies were seated in the same way as on May 5.
Versailles was flooded with troops.
The king announced that he was canceling the resolutions adopted on June 17 and would not allow any restriction of his power or violation of the traditional rights of the nobility and clergy, and ordered the deputies to disperse[18].
Confident that his orders would be carried out immediately, the king left.
Most of the clergy and almost all the nobles left with him.
But the deputies of the third estate remained in their seats.
When the master of ceremonies reminded Chairman Bailly of the King's command, Bailly replied: "The assembled nation is not ordered."
Then Mirabeau got up and said: "Go and tell your master that we are here by the will of the people and we will leave our places only yielding to the force of the bayonets!".
The king ordered the Life Guards to disperse the disobedient deputies.
But when the guards tried to enter the hall of "Small Amusements", the Marquis of Lafayette and several other remaining noble nobles blocked their way with swords in their hands.
At the same meeting, on Mirabeau's proposal, the assembly declared the inviolability of the members of the National Assembly, and that anyone who encroaches on their inviolability is subject to criminal liability[1].
Honore de Mirabeau
The next day, the majority of the clergy, and the day after that, 47 deputies from the nobles joined the National Assembly.
And on June 27, the king ordered the rest of the deputies from the nobility and clergy to join.
Thus the transformation of the States General into the National Assembly took place, which on July 9 declared itself the Constituent National Assembly (French Assemblee nationale constituante) as a sign that it considers its main task to draft a constitution.
On the same day, it heard Munier about the basics of the future constitution, and on July 11, Lafayette presented a draft Declaration of Human Rights, which he considered necessary to precede the constitution[19].
But the situation of the Assembly was precarious.
The king and his entourage did not want to accept defeat and were preparing to disperse the Assembly.
On June 26, the king ordered the concentration in Paris and its environs of an army of 20,000, mainly hired German and Swiss regiments.
The troops were stationed in Saint Denis, Saint Cloud, Sevres and on the Champ de Mars.
The arrival of the troops immediately inflamed the atmosphere in Paris.
Rallies spontaneously arose in the garden of the Palais Royal, at which calls were made to repel "foreign hires".
On July 8, the National Assembly addressed an address to the King, asking him to withdraw the troops from Paris.
The king replied that he had summoned troops to protect the Assembly, but if the presence of troops in Paris disturbed the Assembly, he was ready to move the place of its meetings to Noyon or Soissons.
This showed that the king was preparing to disperse the Assembly[20].
On July 11, Louis XVI dismissed Necker and transformed the ministry, putting Baron Breteuil at its head, who proposed to take the most extreme measures against Paris.
"If it is necessary to burn Paris, we will burn Paris," he said.
The post of Minister of War in the new cabinet was occupied by Marshal Broglie.
It was the Ministry of the Coup d'etat.
It seemed that the cause of the National Assembly was defeated[21].
It was saved by a nationwide revolution.
The Taking of the Bastille[edit / edit wiki text]
Main article: The Taking of the Bastille
Storming the Bastille
Necker's resignation produced an immediate reaction.
The movements of government troops confirmed the suspicions of an "aristocratic conspiracy", and the resignation of wealthy people caused panic, because they saw in him a person who could prevent the bankruptcy of the state[22].
Paris learned about the resignation in the afternoon of July 12.
It was a Sunday afternoon.
Crowds of people poured out into the streets.
Busts of Necker were carried all over the city.
In the Palais Royal, a young lawyer, Camille Desmoulins, threw the cry: "To arms!".
Soon, this cry was booming everywhere.
The French Guard (French Gardes françaises), among whom were the future generals of the republic Lefebvre, Gulen, Eli, Lazar Gauche, almost entirely went over to the side of the people.
Skirmishes with the troops began.
The dragoons of the German regiment (fr. Royal Allemand) attacked the crowd at the Tuileries Garden, but retreated under a hail of stones.
The Baron de Besenval, the commandant of Paris, ordered the government troops to retreat from the city to the Champ de Mars (French Champ de Mars) [23].
The next day, July 13, the uprising grew even more.
The alarm bell had been ringing since early morning.
At about 8 o'clock in the morning, Parisian electors gathered in the town hall (French: Hotel de ville).
A new municipal authority, the Standing Committee, was created in order to lead and control the movement at the same time.
At the first meeting, a decision is made on the creation of a "civil militia" in Paris.
This was the birth of the Paris Revolutionary Commune and the National Guard[24].
They were waiting for an attack from government troops.
They began to erect barricades, but there were not enough weapons to protect them.
A search for weapons began throughout the city.
They broke into gun shops, seizing everything they could find there.
On the morning of July 14, the crowd seized 32,000 guns and cannons in the Invalides House, but there was not enough gunpowder.
Then we went to the Bastille.
This fortress prison symbolized the repressive power of the state in the public consciousness.
In reality, there were seven prisoners and a little more than a hundred soldiers of the garrison, mostly disabled.
After several hours of siege, the Commandant de Launay capitulated.
The garrison lost only one man killed, and the Parisians 98 killed and 73 wounded.
After the surrender, seven of the garrison, including the commandant himself, were torn to pieces by the crowd[25].
Constitutional monarchy[edit / edit wiki text]
Municipal and peasant revolutions[edit / edit wiki text]
Main article: The night of August 4, 1789
Declaration of Human and Civil Rights
The King was forced to recognize the existence of the Constituent Assembly.
Twice dismissed, Necker was again called to power, and on July 17, Louis XVI, accompanied by a delegation of the National Assembly, arrived in Paris and received from the hands of the mayor of Bailly a tricolor cockade symbolizing the victory of the revolution and the accession of the king to it (red and blue are the colors of the Paris coat of arms, white is the color of the royal banner).
The first wave of emigration began; the irreconcilable upper aristocracy began to leave France, including the king's brother, Count d’Artois 26].
Even before Necker's resignation, many cities sent addresses in support of the National Assembly, up to 40 before July 14.
The "municipal revolution" began, accelerated after Necker's resignation and swept the whole country after July 14.
Bordeaux, Caen, Angers, Amiens, Vernon, Dijon, Lyon and many other cities were engulfed by uprisings.
Quartermasters, governors, military commandants on the ground either fled or lost real power.
Following the example of Paris, communes and the national guard began to form.
Urban communes began to form federal associations.
Within a few weeks, the royal government lost all power over the country, the provinces were now recognized only by the National Assembly[27].
The economic crisis and famine led to the appearance of many vagabonds, homeless people and marauding gangs in the countryside.
The alarming situation, the peasants ' hopes for tax relief, expressed even in the instructions, the approach of the new harvest, all this gave rise to a myriad of rumors and fears in the village.
In the second half of July, the "Great Fear" (French Grande peur) broke out, which generated a chain reaction throughout the country[28].
The rebellious peasants burned the castles of the lords, seizing their lands.
In some provinces, about half of the landowners ' estates were burned or destroyed[29].
During the meeting of the "night of miracles" (French: La Nuit des Miracles) on August 4 and by decrees of August 4-11, the Constituent Assembly responded to the peasant revolution and abolished personal feudal duties, seignorial courts, church tithes, privileges of individual provinces, cities and corporations, and declared equality of all before the law in paying state taxes and in the right to hold civil, military and ecclesiastical positions.
But at the same time, it announced the elimination of only "indirect" duties (so called banalities): the "real" duties of the peasants, in particular, land and poll taxes, were left[30].
On August 26, 1789, the Constituent Assembly adopted the "Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen" — one of the first documents of democratic constitutionalism.
The" old regime", based on class privileges and the arbitrariness of the authorities, was opposed by the equality of all before the law, the inviolability of" natural "human rights, popular sovereignty, freedom of opinion, the principle of" everything is allowed that is not prohibited by law " and other democratic attitudes of revolutionary enlightenment, which have now become the requirements of law and current legislation.
Article 1 of the Declaration read: "People are born and remain free and equal in rights."
Article 2 guaranteed "natural and inalienable human rights", which were understood as "freedom, property, security and resistance to oppression".
The source of supreme power (sovereignty) was declared to be the "nation", and the law was an expression of the"universal will" [31].
A trip to Versailles[edit / edit wiki text]
Main article: A trip to Versailles
Revolutionary minded Parisian women go to Versailles
Louis XVI refused to authorize the Declaration and decrees of August 5-11.
In Paris, the situation was tense.
The harvest in 1789 was good, but the supply of bread to Paris did not increase.
There were long queues at bakeries[32].
At the same time, officers, nobles, and knights of the Order of St. Louis flocked to Versailles.
On October 1, the King's Life Guards held a banquet in honor of the newly arrived Flanders Regiment.
The banquet participants, excited by the wine and music, shouted enthusiastically: "Long live the King!".
First, the Life Guards, and then other officers tore off the tricolor cockades and trampled them with their feet, attaching the white and black cockades of the king and queen.
In Paris, this caused a new explosion of fear of an "aristocratic conspiracy" and demands to move the king to Paris[33].
On the morning of October 5, huge crowds of women, who had stood in vain all night in queues at bakeries, filled the Place de Greve and surrounded the Town Hall (French: Hotel de Ville).
Many believed that the food supply would be better if the king was in Paris.
Shouts were heard: "Bread!
To Versailles!".
Then the alarm was sounded.
Around noon, 6-7 thousand people, mostly women, with guns, pikes, pistols and two cannons moved to Versailles.
A few hours later, by the decision of the Commune, Lafayette led the National Guard to Versailles [34].
Around 11 pm, the King announced his consent to approve the Declaration of Rights and other decrees.
However, during the night, the crowd broke into the palace, killing two of the king's guards.
Only Lafayette's intervention prevented further bloodshed.
On Lafayette's advice, the king went out on the balcony with the Queen and the Dauphin.
The people greeted him with shouts: "The King to Paris!
The King to Paris!"
[27].
On October 6, a remarkable procession went from Versailles to Paris.
The National Guard was in front; bread was stuck on the bayonets of the guards.
Then followed the women, some mounted on cannons, others in carriages, others on foot, and finally a carriage with the royal family.
The women danced and sang: "We are bringing a baker, a baker's wife and a little baker!".
Following the royal family, the National Assembly also moved to Paris[35].
Reconstruction of France[edit / edit wiki text]
See also: Feudal Legislation (1789-1793)
The Constituent Assembly set a course for the creation of a constitutional monarchy in France.
By decrees of October 8 and 10, 1789, the traditional title of the French kings was changed: from "by the grace of God, the king of France and Navarre", Louis XVI became "by the grace of God and by virtue of the constitutional law of the state, the king of the French".
The king remained the head of state and executive power, but he could rule only on the basis of the law.
The legislative power belonged to the National Assembly, which actually became the highest authority in the country.
The king retained the right to appoint ministers.
The king could no longer draw limitlessly from the state treasury.
The right to declare war and conclude peace passed to the National Assembly.
The decree of June 19, 1790 abolished the institution of hereditary nobility and all related titles.
It was forbidden to call oneself a marquis, count, etc.
Citizens could only bear the surname of the head of the family[36].
The Central Administration was reorganized.
The royal councils and state secretaries disappeared.
From now on, six ministers were appointed: the interior, justice, finance, foreign Affairs, the military, and the navy.
According to the municipal law of December 14-22, 1789, the cities and provinces were granted the widest self government.
All agents of the central government on the ground were abolished.
The posts of quartermasters and their subdelegates were destroyed.
By a decree of January 15, 1790, the Assembly established a new administrative structure of the country.
The system of dividing France into provinces, governorates, generalitats, bailiages, seneschalships has ceased to exist.
The country was divided into 83 departments, approximately equal in territory.
Departments were divided into districts (districts).
The districts were divided into cantons.
The lowest administrative unit was the commune (community).
The communes of large cities were divided into sections (districts, sections).
Paris was divided into 48 sections (instead of the previously existing 60 districts)[37].
The judicial reform was carried out on the same grounds as the administrative reform.
All the old judicial institutions, including parliaments, were liquidated.
The sale of judicial posts, like all others, was canceled.
A magistrate's court was established in each canton, a district court in each district, and a criminal court in each main city of the department.
A single Cassation Court was also created for the whole country, which had the right to annul sentences of courts of other instances and send cases for new consideration, and the National Supreme Court, whose competence was subject to offenses by ministers and senior officials, as well as crimes against the security of the State.
The courts of all instances were elected (on the basis of property qualification and other restrictions) and were judged with the participation of a jury[38].
All privileges and other forms of state regulation of economic activity were abolished — workshops, corporations, monopolies, etc.Customs offices within the country at the borders of various regions were eliminated.
Instead of numerous previous taxes, three new ones were introduced — on land property, movable property and commercial and industrial activities.
The Constituent Assembly put a huge state debt "under the protection of the nation".
On October 10, Talleyrand proposed to use church property to pay off the state debt, which was to be transferred to the disposal of the nation and sold.
By decrees adopted in June and November 1790, it implemented the so called "civil organization of the clergy", that is, it carried out a reform of the church, which deprived it of its former privileged position in society and turned the church into an organ of the state.
The registration of births, deaths, and marriages, which were transferred to state bodies, was withdrawn from the jurisdiction of the church.
Only a civil marriage was recognized as legal.
All church titles were abolished, except for the bishop and the priest (parish priest).
Bishops and parish priests were elected by electors, the former by department electors, the latter by parish electors.
The approval of bishops by the pope (as the head of the Universal Catholic Church) was canceled: from now on, the French bishops only informed the pope of their election.
All clergymen were required to take a special oath to the "civil structure of the clergy" under the threat of resignation[39].
The church reform caused a split among the French clergy.
After the pope did not recognize the "civil structure" of the church in France, all French bishops, with the exception of 7, refused to take the civil oath.
About half of the lower clergy followed their example.
An acute struggle arose between the juried (Fr. assermente), or constitutional, and the non juried (Fr. refractaires) clergy, which significantly complicated the political situation in the country.
In the future," non sworn " priests, who have retained influence on significant masses of believers, become one of the most important forces of the counter revolution[40].
By this time, there was a split among the deputies of the Constituent Assembly.
On the wave of public support, new leftists began to stand out: Petion, Gregoire, Robespierre.
In addition, there were clubs and organizations all over the country.
In Paris, the centers of radicalism became the club of Jacobins and Cordeliers.
The constitutionalists in the person of Mirabeau, and after his sudden death in April 1791, the" triumvirate " Barnave, Duport and Lameth believed that the events went beyond the principles of 1789 and sought to stop the development of the revolution by increasing the electoral qualification, restricting the freedom of the press and the activity of clubs.
To do this, they needed to remain in power and enjoy the full support of the king.
Suddenly, the ground opened up beneath them.
Louis XVI fled[41].
The Varenna crisis[edit / edit wiki text]
See also: Escape to Varennes
Louis XVI and his family returned to Paris on June 25, 1791 after being identified and arrested in Varennes (Meuse department, Lorraine region).
The attempt to escape the king is one of the most important events of the revolution.
Internally, this was an obvious proof of the incompatibility of the monarchy and revolutionary France and destroyed the attempt to establish a constitutional monarchy.
Outwardly, this accelerated the approach of a military conflict with monarchical Europe[42].
Around midnight on June 20, 1791, the king, disguised as a servant, tried to escape, but was recognized at the border in Varenna by a postal employee on the night of June 21-22.
The royal family was brought back to Paris on the evening of June 25, amid the dead silence of Parisians and National guardsmen holding their guns muzzle down [43].
The country took the news of the escape as a shock, as a declaration of war, in which its king is in the camp of the enemy.
From this moment, the radicalization of the revolution begins (then who can be trusted if the king himself turned out to be a traitor?).
For the first time since the beginning of the Revolution, the press began to openly discuss the possibility of establishing a republic.
However, the constitutionalist deputies, not wanting to deepen the crisis and question the fruits of almost two years of work on the Constitution, took the king under protection and said that he had been abducted.
The Cordeliers called on the citizens to collect signatures on a petition demanding the abdication of the king on July 17 on the Champ de Mars.
The mayor of Bailly and Lafayette arrived at the Champ de Mars with a detachment of the National Guard.
The National Guardsmen opened fire, killing several dozen people.
This was the first split of the third estate itself.
On September 3, 1791, the National Assembly adopted the Constitution.
According to it, it was proposed to convene a Legislative Assembly — a unicameral parliament on the basis of a high property qualification.
There were only 4.3 million" active " citizens who received the right to vote under the constitution, and only 50 thousand electors who elected deputies — Deputies of the National Assembly could not be elected to the new Parliament.
The Legislative Assembly opened on October 1, 1791.
The king swore an oath to the new constitution and was restored to his functions, but not to the confidence of the whole country in him[45].
In Europe, the king's escape caused a strong emotional reaction.
the federalist revolt, the war in the Vendee, military failures, the deterioration of the economic situation.
Despite everything, it was not possible to avoid a civil war[66].
By the middle of June, about sixty departments were engulfed in a more or less open uprising.
However, the border areas of the country remained faithful to the Convention [67].
July and August were not important months on the borders.
Mainz, the symbol of the victory of the previous year, capitulated to the Prussian troops, and the Austrians captured the fortresses of Conde and Valenciennes and invaded northern France.
The Spanish troops crossed the Pyrenees and launched an offensive on Perpignan.
Piedmont took advantage of the uprising in Lyon and invaded France from the east.
In Corsica, Paoli raised an uprising and, with British help, expelled the French from the island.
British troops began the siege of Dunkirk in August and in October the Allies invaded Alsace.
The military situation became desperate [68].
Throughout June, the Montagnards took a wait and see attitude, waiting for a reaction to the uprising in Paris.
Nevertheless, they did not forget about the peasants.
The peasants made up the largest part of France and in such an environment it was important to satisfy their demands.
It was to them that the uprising on May 31 (as well as on July 14 and August 10) brought significant and permanent benefits.
On June 3, laws were passed on the sale of emigrants ' property in small parts with the condition of payment within 10 years;
On June 10, an additional division of communal lands was proclaimed; and on July 17, a law on the abolition of seignorial duties and feudal rights without any compensation[66].
The Convention approved a new Constitution in the hope of protecting itself from the accusation of dictatorship and appeasing the departments.
The Declaration of Rights, which preceded the text of the Constitution, solemnly confirmed the indivisibility of the State and freedom of speech, equality and the right to resist oppression.
This went far beyond the Declaration of 1789, adding the right to social assistance, work, education and insurrection.
All political and social tyranny was abolished [69].
National sovereignty was expanded through the institution of a referendum — the Constitution had to be ratified by the people, as well as laws in certain, precisely defined circumstances[70].
The Constitution was submitted for universal ratification and adopted by a huge majority of 1,801,918 in favor and 17,610 against.
The results of the plebiscite were made public on August 10, 1793, but the application of the Constitution, the text of which was placed in the "sacred ark" in the Convention hall, was postponed until peace was concluded[71].
The revolutionary government[edit / edit wiki text]
"The provisional government of France will be revolutionary until peace is concluded" - the decree of the Convention of 19 Vandemieres II (October 10, 1793) [72].
La Marseillaise
The Convention renewed the composition of the Committee of Public Salvation (fr. Comité du salut public): Danton was excluded from it on July 10.
Couthon, Saint Just, Jeanbon Saint Andre, and Prieur of the Marne formed the core of the new committee.
Barer and Lende were added to them, Robespierre on July 27, and then Carnot and Prieur from the Cote d ' department on August 14’Yell; Collot d'Herbois and Billot Varenna — September 6[73].
First of all, the committee had to establish itself and choose those demands of the people that were most suitable for achieving the goals of the assembly: to crush the enemies of the Republic and erase the last hopes of the aristocracy for restoration.
To govern in the name of the Convention and at the same time control it, to restrain the Sans — Culottes without cooling their enthusiasm this was the necessary balance of the revolutionary government[74].
Under the double banner of price fixing and terror, the pressure of the Sans Culottes reached its peak in the summer of 1793.
The crisis in the supply of food remained the main cause of dissatisfaction of the Sans Culottes; the leaders of the" rabid "demand that the Convention establish a "maximum".
In August, a series of decrees gave the committee powers to control the circulation of grain, and also approved ferocious punishments for their violation.
"Storehouses of abundance"were created in each district.
On August 23, the decree on mass mobilization (French levée en masse) declared the entire adult population of the republic "in a state of constant requisition"[75].
On September 5, the Parisians tried to repeat the uprising on June 2.
Armed sections again surrounded the Convention, demanding the creation of an internal revolutionary army, the arrest of" suspicious " and the purge of the committees.
It was probably a key day in the formation of the revolutionary government: The Convention succumbed to pressure, but retained control over the events.
This put terror on the agenda — on September 5, on the 9th the creation of a revolutionary army, on the 11th the decree on the "maximum" for bread (general control of prices and wages — on September 29), on the 14th the reorganization of the Revolutionary Tribunal, on the 17th the law on "suspicious", and on the 20th the decree gave the right to local revolutionary committees the task of compiling lists [76].
This sum of institutions, measures and procedures was fixed in the decree of 14 Fremer (December 4, 1793), which defined this gradual development of a centralized dictatorship based on terror.
In the center was the Convention, the executive power of which was the Committee of Public Safety, endowed with enormous powers: it interpreted the decrees of the Convention and determined the methods of their application; under its direct supervision were all state bodies and employees; it determined military and diplomatic activities, appointed generals and members of other committees, subject to their ratification by the Convention.
He was responsible for the conduct of the war, public order, provision and supply of the population.
The Paris Commune, a well known bastion of the Sans Culottes, was also neutralized, falling under his control [76].
Organization of victory[edit / edit wiki text]
The National Guard of Paris goes to the front
The blockade forced France to autarky; in order to preserve the Republic, the government mobilized all productive forces and accepted the need for a controlled economy, which was introduced impromptu as the situation demanded[77].
It was necessary to develop military production, revive foreign trade and find new resources in France itself, and there was little time.
Circumstances gradually forced the government to take over the leadership of the economy of the whole country[78].
All material resources became the subject of requisition.
Farmers handed over grain, fodder, wool, flax, hemp, and artisans and merchants manufactured products.
The raw materials were carefully searched for metal of all kinds, church bells, old paper, rags and parchment, herbs, brushwood and even ashes for the production of potash salts and chestnuts for their distillation.
All enterprises were transferred to the disposal of the nation — forests, mines, quarries, furnaces, furnaces, tanneries, factories for the production of paper and fabrics, workshops for the manufacture of shoes.
Labor and the value of what was produced were subject to price regulation.
No one had the right to speculate while the Fatherland was in danger.
The armament caused great concern.
Already in September 1793, an impetus was given to the creation of national manufactories for the military industry — the creation of a factory in Paris for the production of rifles and personal weapons, the Grenelle powder factory[79].
A special appeal was made by the scientist.
Monge, Vandermonde, Berthollet, Darcet[fr], Fourcroy improved metallurgy and the production of weapons[80].
Experiments in aeronautics were conducted in Meudon.
During the Battle of Fleurus, the balloon was raised over the same places as in the future war of 1914.
And nothing less than a "miracle" for contemporaries was the receipt by the semaphore of Chappe in Montmartre within an hour of news about the fall of Le Quesnois, located 120 miles from Paris[81].
The summer recruitment (French Levée en masse) was completed, and by July the total number of the army reached 650,000.
The difficulties were enormous.
Production for the needs of the war began only in September.
The army was in a state of reorganization.
In the spring of 1794, the "amalgam" system was undertaken, the merger of volunteer battalions with the linear army.
Two battalions of volunteers were joined with one battalion of the line army, forming a demi brigade or regiment.
At the same time, unity of command and discipline were restored.
The purge of the army excluded most of the nobles.
In order to educate new officers, according to Decree 13 of the Prairie (June 1, 1794), the College of Mars (fr. Ecole de Mars) was founded — each district sent six young men there.
The army commanders were approved by the Convention [82].
Gradually, a military command emerged, incomparable in quality: Marceau, Gauche, Jourdan, Bonaparte, Kleber, Massena, as well as the officers, are excellent not only in military qualities, but also in a sense of civic responsibility[83].
Terror[edit / edit wiki text]
Although the terror was organized in September 1793, it was not actually used until October, and only as a result of pressure from the Sans Culottes [84].
The big political processes began in October.
Queen Marie Antoinette was guillotined on October 16.
A special decree restricted the protection of 21 Girondists, and they died on the 31st, including Vergniaud and Brissot[85].
Execution of Marie Antoinette
At the top of the terror apparatus was the Committee of Public Security, the second organ of the state, consisting of twelve members elected every month in accordance with the rules of the Convention and endowed with the functions of public security, surveillance and police, both civil and military.
He employed a large staff of officials, headed a network of local revolutionary committees and applied the law on "suspicious" by sifting through thousands of local denunciations and arrests, which he then had to submit it to the Revolutionary Tribunal[86].
Terror was applied to the enemies of the Republic wherever they were, was socially indiscriminate and directed politically.
His victims belonged to all classes who hated the revolution or lived in those regions where the threat of insurrection was most serious.
"The severity of the repressive measures in the provinces, "writes Mathez,"was directly dependent on the danger of rebellion" [87].
In the same way, the deputies sent by the Convention as "representatives in the mission" (French: les représentants en mission) were armed with broad powers and acted in accordance with the situation and their own temperament: in July, Robert Landet pacified the Girondist uprising in the west without a single death sentence; in Lyon, a few months later, Collot d'Herbois and Joseph Fouche relied on frequent summary executions, using mass executions, because the guillotine did not work fast enough[88][pr 2].
The victory began to be determined in the autumn of 1793.
The end of the federalist revolt was marked by the capture of Lyon on October 9 and Toulon on December 19.
On October 17, the Vendee uprising was suppressed in Cholet and on December 14 in Le Mans after fierce street fighting.
Cities along the borders were liberated.
Dunkirk — after the victory at Ondschot[fr] (September 8), Maubeuge after the victory at Wattigny (October 6), Landau after the victory at Wissembourg[fr] (October 30).
Kellerman pushed the Spaniards back to Bidasoa and Savoy was liberated.
Gauche and Pichegru inflicted a number of defeats on the Prussians and Austrians in Alsace[90].
The struggle of factions[edit / edit wiki text]
Jacques Hebert
Since September 1793, it was possible to clearly identify two wings among the revolutionaries.
One was what was later called the Ebertists — although Heber himself was never the leader of the faction — and preached a war to the death, partially adopting the "rabid" program, which was approved by the Sans Culottes.
They agreed to an agreement with the Montagnards, hoping to exert pressure on the Convention through them.
They dominated the Cordelier club, filled the Bouchotte War Ministry, and could carry the Commune with them [91].
Another wing arose in response to the growing centralization of the revolutionary government and the dictatorship of the committees — the Dantonists; around the deputies of the Convention: Danton, Delacroix, Desmoulins, as the most prominent among them.
The religious conflict that has been going on since 1790 was the background of the campaign of "de Christianization"undertaken by the Ebertists.
The Federalist revolt intensified the counter revolutionary agitation of the" non sworn " priests.
The adoption by the Convention on October 5 of a new, revolutionary calendar, designed to replace the previous one associated with Christianity, was used by the" ultras " as an excuse to launch a campaign against the Catholic faith[92].
In Paris, this movement was led by the Commune.
Catholic churches were closed, priests were forced to abdicate, Christian shrines were mocked.
Instead of Catholicism, they tried to plant a "cult of Reason".
The movement brought even more unrest in the departments and compromised the revolution in the eyes of a deeply religious country.
The majority of the Convention reacted extremely negatively to this initiative and led to even greater polarization between the factions.
In late November and early December, Robespierre and Danton resolutely opposed the "de — Christianization", putting an end to it[93].
Georges Danton
Putting the priority of national defense over all other considerations, the Committee of Public Safety tried to maintain an intermediate position between modernism and extremism.
The revolutionary government did not intend to yield to the Ebertists at the expense of revolutionary unity, while the demands of the moderates undermined the controlled economy necessary for conducting military operations and the terror that ensured universal obedience[94].
But at the end of the winter of 1793, the shortage of food took a sharp turn for the worse.
The Ebertists began to demand the use of harsh measures and at first the Committee behaved conciliatingly.
The Convention voted 10 million to ease the crisis, on 3 vantose Barer, on behalf of the Committee of public Safety, presented a new general "maximum" and on the 8th a decree on the confiscation of the property of "suspicious" and its distribution among the needy — the Vantose decrees (fr. Loi de ventôse an II).
The Cordeliers believed that if they increased the pressure, they would triumph once and for all.
There were calls for an uprising, although it was probably as a new demonstration, as in September 1793.
Maximilian Robespierre
But on March 22, 1794 (March 12, 1794), the Committee decided to put an end to the Ebertists.
The foreigners Proly, Kloots and Pereira were added to Hebert, Ronsen, Vincent and Momoro in order to present them as participants in a "foreign conspiracy".
All were executed by 4 Germinal (March 24, 1794) [95].
Then the Committee turned to the dantonists, some of whom were involved in financial fraud.
On April 5, Danton, Delacroix, Desmoulins, and Filippo were executed[96].
Germinal's drama completely changed the political situation.
The Sans Culottes were stunned by the execution of the Ebertists.
All their positions of influence were lost: the revolutionary army was disbanded, the inspectors were dismissed, Bouchotte lost the war ministry, the Cordelier club was suppressed and intimidated, and 39 revolutionary committees were closed under government pressure.
There was a purge of the Commune and it was filled with the nominees of the Committee.
With the execution of the Dantonists, the majority of the Assembly was for the first time horrified by the government it had created[97].
The Committee played the role of an intermediary between the assembly and the sections.
By destroying the leaders of the sections, the committees broke with the Sans Culottes, the source of the government's power, whose pressure the Convention had been so afraid of since the May 31 uprising.
By destroying the Dantonists, it sowed fear among the members of the assembly, which could easily turn into a riot.
It seemed to the Government that it had the support of the majority of the assembly.
It was wrong.
Having freed the Convention from the pressure of the sections, it remained at the mercy of the assembly.
There remained only an internal split of the government to destroy it [98].
Thermidorian revolution[edit / edit wiki text]
Main article: Thermidorian Revolution
9 thermidor
The main efforts of the Government were aimed at a military victory and the mobilization of all resources began to bear fruit.
By the summer of 1794, the republic had created 14 armies and 8 messidors 2 years (June 26, 1794), a decisive victory was won at Fleurus.
Belgium was opened to the French troops.
On July 10, Pichegru occupied Brussels and joined the Sambro Meuse army of Jourdan.
The revolutionary expansion has begun.
But the victories in the war began to cast doubt on the meaning of the continuation of terror [99].
The centralization of the revolutionary government, the terror and the execution of opponents on the right and on the left led to the solution of all kinds of political differences in the field of plots and intrigues.
Centralization led to the concentration of revolutionary justice in Paris.
Representatives on the ground were recalled and many of them, such as Tallien in Bordeaux, Fouche in Lyon, Carrieu in Nantes, felt under immediate threat for the excesses of terror in the province during the suppression of the Federalist uprising and the Vendee war.
Now these excesses seemed to be a compromise of the revolution, and Robespierre did not fail to express this, for example, to Fouche.
Disagreements intensified in the Committee of Public Safety, which led to a split in the government[100].
After the execution of the Ebertists and Dantonists and the celebration of the festival of the Supreme Being, the figure of Robespierre acquired an exaggerated significance in the eyes of revolutionary France.
In turn, he did not take into account the sensitivity of his colleagues, which could seem like calculation or power seeking.
In his last speech at the Convention, on the 8th of Thermidor, he accused his opponents of intrigue and brought the issue of the split to the court of the Convention.
Robespierre was asked to give the names of the accused, but he refused.
This failure destroyed him, as the deputies suggested that he was demanding carte blanche[101].
That night, an uneasy coalition was formed between the radicals and moderates in the assembly, between the deputies who were in immediate danger, the members of the committees and the deputies of the plain.
The next day, on the 9th of Thermidor, Robespierre and his supporters were not allowed to speak, and a decree of accusation was announced against them.
Execution of Robespierre
The Paris Commune called for an uprising, released the arrested deputies and mobilized 2-3 thousand national Guards[102].
The night of 9-10 Thermidor was one of the most chaotic in Paris, when the Commune and the Convention competed for the support of the sections.
The Convention declared the rebels outlawed; Barras was given the task of mobilizing the armed forces of the Convention, and sections of Paris, demoralized by the execution of the Ebertists and the economic policy of the Commune, after some hesitation supported the Convention.
The National guardsmen and gunners, gathered by the Commune at the town hall, remained without instructions and dispersed.
At about two o'clock in the morning, a column of the Gravillier section, led by Leonard Bourdon, broke into the town hall (French: Hotel de Ville) and arrested the rebels.
On the evening of the 10th of Thermidor (July 28, 1794), Robespierre, Saint Just, Couton and nineteen of their supporters were executed without trial.
The next day, seventy one functionaries of the rebellious Commune were executed, the largest mass execution in the history of the revolution [103].
Thermidorian reaction[edit / edit wiki text]
The Uprising of the 1st Prairie
The Committee of Public Safety was the executive power and, in the conditions of the war with the first coalition, the internal civil war, was endowed with broad prerogatives.
The Convention confirmed and elected its composition every month c, ensuring the centralization and permanent composition of the executive power.
Now, after the military victories and the fall of the Robespierreists, the Convention refused to confirm such broad powers, especially since the threat of uprisings from the Sans Culottes was eliminated.
It was decided that none of the members of the steering committees should hold office for more than four months and its composition should be updated by a third monthly.
The Committee was limited only to the field of warfare and diplomacy.
Now there will be a total of sixteen committees with equal rights.
Realizing the danger of fragmentation, the Thermidorians, taught by experience, were even more afraid of monopolization of power.
Within a few weeks, the revolutionary government was dismantled [104].
The weakening of power led to the weakening of terror, the subordination of which ensured national mobilization.
After the 9th Thermidor, the Jacobin Club was closed, the surviving Girondists returned to the Convention.
At the end of August, the Paris Commune was abolished and replaced by the" administrative commission of the police " (French: commission administrative de police).
In June 1795, the word "revolutionary" itself, the word symbol of the entire Jacobin period, was banned [105].
The Thermidorians canceled the measures of state intervention in the economy, eliminated the "maximum" in December 1794.
The result was a rise in prices, inflation, and disruption of food supply[106].
The wealth of the nouveau riche countered the disasters of the lower and middle classes: they feverishly profited, greedily used wealth, unceremoniously advertising it.
In 1795, driven to famine, the population of Paris twice raised uprisings (12 germinal and 1 prairie) with the demands of "bread and the constitution of 1793", but the Convention suppressed the uprisings with the help of military force [107].
The Thermidorians destroyed the revolutionary government, but nevertheless reaped the fruits of national defense.
In the autumn, Holland was occupied and in January 1795 the Batavian Republic was proclaimed.
At the same time, the collapse of the first coalition began.
On April 5, 1795, the Peace of Basel with Prussia was concluded and on July 22, peace with Spain was concluded.
Now the republic declared the left bank of the Rhine its "natural border" and annexed Belgium.
Austria refused to recognize the Rhine as the eastern border of France and the war resumed.
13 vandemieres
On August 22, 1795, the Convention adopted a new constitution.
Legislative power was entrusted to two chambers — the Council of Five Hundred and the Council of Elders, a significant electoral qualification was introduced.
Executive power was placed in the hands of the Directory — five directors elected by the Council of Elders from candidates submitted by the Council of Five Hundred.
Fearing that the elections to the new legislative councils would give a majority to the opponents of the republic, the Convention decided that two thirds of the "five hundred" and "elders" would be necessarily taken from the members of the Convention for the first time[108].
When this measure was announced, the royalists in Paris itself raised an uprising on the 13th Vendemière (October 5, 1795), in which the main participation belonged to the central sections of the city, who believed that the Convention violated the "sovereignty of the people".
Most of the capital was in the hands of the rebels; a central rebel committee was formed and the Convention was besieged.
Barras attracted the young general Napoleon Bonaparte, a former Robespierreist, as well as other generals Cartaud, Brun, Loison, Dupont.
Murat captured the cannons from the camp at Sablon, and the rebels, having no artillery, were driven back and scattered [109].
On October 26, 1795, the Convention dissolved itself, giving way to the councils of five hundred and elders and the Directory[pr 3].
Directory[edit / edit wiki text]
Main article: Directory
Having defeated their opponents on the right and on the left, the Thermidorians hoped to return to the principles of 1789 and give stability to the republic on the basis of a new constitution — "the middle between monarchy and anarchy" — in the words of Antoine Thibodeau[111].
The Directory had a difficult economic and financial situation, aggravated by the ongoing war on the continent.
The events since 1789 have split the country politically, ideologically and religiously.
Having excluded the people and the aristocracy, the regime depended on a narrow circle of electors provided for by the censorship of the constitution of the third year, and they were moving more and more to the right[112].
Attempt to stabilize[edit / edit wiki text]
Gracchus Babeuf
In the winter of 1795, the economic crisis reached its peak.
Paper money was printed every night for use the next day.
On the 30th of Pluviosis IV of the year (February 19, 1796), the issue of banknotes was discontinued.
The government decided to return to the specie again.
The result was the embezzlement of most of the remaining national wealth in the interests of speculators[113].
In rural areas, banditry has spread so much that even mobile columns of the National Guard and the threat of the death penalty have not led to an improvement.
In Paris, many would have died of hunger if the Directory had not continued distributing food [114].
This led to the resumption of Jacobin agitation.
But this time the Jacobins resorted to conspiracies and Gracchus Babeuf heads the "secret rebel directory" of the Conspiracy of Equals (fr. Conjuration des Égaux)[114].
In the winter of 1795-96, an alliance of former Jacobins was formed with the aim of overthrowing the Directory.
The movement "in the name of equality" was organized in the form of a number of concentric levels; an internal rebel committee was formed.
The plan was original and the poverty of the Parisian suburbs was appalling, but the Sans Culottes, demoralized and intimidated after the prairie, did not respond to the appeals of the Babouvists[115].
The conspirators were betrayed by a police spy.
One hundred and thirty one people were arrested and thirty were shot on the spot; Babeuf's associates were brought to trial; Babeuf and Dartet were guillotined a year later[116].
Napoleon on the Arkolsky Bridge
The war on the continent continued.
The republic was unable to strike at England, it remained to break Austria.
On April 9, 1796, General Bonaparte led his army to Italy.
A series of victories followed in a dazzling campaign — Lodi (May 10, 1796), Castiglione (August 15), Arcole (November 15-17), Rivoli (January 14, 1797).
On October 17, peace was concluded with Austria in Campo Formio, which ended the war of the first coalition, from which France emerged victorious, although Great Britain continued to fight[117].
According to the constitution, the first election of a third of the deputies, including the "eternal" ones, in the germinal of the V year (March April 1797), turned out to be a success for the monarchists.
The Republican majority of Thermidorians has disappeared.
In the councils of the five hundred and the elders, the majority belonged to the opponents of the Directory[118].
The rightists in the Soviets decided to emasculate the power of the Directory, depriving it of financial powers.
In the absence of instructions in the Constitution of the third year on the issue of the emergence of such a conflict, the Directory, with the support of Bonaparte and Gauche, decided to resort to force[119].
On 18 Fryuktidor V of the year (September 4, 1797), Paris was placed under martial law.
The decree of the Directory announced that all those who called for the restoration of the monarchy would be shot on the spot.
In 49 departments, the elections were annulled, 177 deputies were deprived of their powers, and 65 were sentenced to the" dry guillotine " — deportation to Guiana.
Emigrants who returned voluntarily were asked to leave France within two weeks under the threat of death[120].
The crisis of 1799[edit / edit wiki text]
The coup of 18 fryuktidor is a turn in the history of the regime established by the Thermidorians — it put an end to the constitutional and liberal experiment.
A crushing blow was dealt to the monarchists, but at the same time the influence of the army was much strengthened[121].
After the Treaty of Campo Formio, only Great Britain opposed France.
Instead of focusing its attention on the remaining enemy and maintaining peace on the continent, the Directory began a policy of continental expansion, which destroyed all opportunities for stabilization in Europe.
The Egyptian campaign followed, which added to the glory of Bonaparte.
France surrounded itself with "daughter" republics, satellites, politically dependent and economically exploited: the Batavian Republic, the Helvetic Republic in Switzerland, the Cisalpine, Roman and Parthenopean (Naples) republics in Italy[122].
In the spring of 1799, the war becomes general.
The second coalition united Britain, Austria, Naples and Sweden.
The Egyptian campaign brought Turkey and Russia into its ranks[123].
Military operations began for the Directory extremely unsuccessfully.
Soon Italy and part of Switzerland were lost and the republic had to defend its "natural borders".
As in 1792-93, France faced the threat of invasion[124].
The danger awakened the national energy and the last revolutionary effort.
On 30 Prairie of the seventh year (June 18, 1799), the soviets re elected the members of the Directory, bringing "real" Republicans to power and carried out measures that somewhat resembled those of the second year.
At the suggestion of General Jourdan, a draft of five ages was announced.
A compulsory loan of 100 million francs was introduced.
On July 12, the law on hostages from among former nobles was adopted[125].
Military failures led to royalist uprisings in the south and the resumption of civil war in the Vendee.
At the same time, the fear of the return of the shadow of Jacobinism led to the decision to end once and for all the possibility of a repetition of the times of the republic of 1793[126].
18 brumera[edit / edit wiki text]
Main article: The Coup of 18 brumaire
General Bonaparte in the Council of Five Hundred
By this time, the military situation had changed.
The very success of the coalition in Italy led to a change of plans.
It was decided to transfer Austrian troops from Switzerland to Belgium and replace them with Russian troops with the aim of invading France.
The transfer was made so poorly that it allowed the French troops to re occupy Switzerland and defeat the opponents in parts[127].
In this alarming situation, the Brumerians are planning another, more decisive, coup.
Once again, as in fryuktidor, it is necessary to call the army to purge the assembly[128].
The conspirators needed a "saber".
They turned to the Republican generals.
The first choice, General Joubert was killed at Novi.
At this moment, the news of Bonaparte's arrival in France came[129].
From Frejus to Paris, Bonaparte was hailed as a savior.
Arriving in Paris on October 16, 1799, he immediately found himself in the center of political intrigues [130].
The Brumerians turned to him as a man who was well suited to them for his popularity, military reputation, ambition, and even for his Jacobin past [128].
Playing on fears of a "terrorist" conspiracy, the Brumerians persuaded the soviets to meet on November 10, 1799 in the Paris suburb of Saint Cloud; to suppress the "conspiracy", Bonaparte was appointed commander of the 17th division, located in the Seine department.
Two of the directors, Sieyes and Ducos, themselves conspirators, resigned, and the third, Barras, was forced to do so.
At Saint Cloud, Napoleon announced to the Council of Elders that the Directory had dissolved itself and that a commission on a new constitution had been created.
The Council of Five Hundred was difficult to convince so easily, and when Bonaparte entered the chamber of sessions without an invitation, there were shouts of "Outlaw!"
Napoleon lost his composure, but his brother Lucien saved the situation by calling the guards to the meeting room.
The Council of Five Hundred was expelled from the chamber, the Directory was dissolved, and all powers were entrusted to the provisional government of three consuls Sieyes, Roger Ducos and Bonaparte[130].
The rumors that came from Saint Cloud on the evening of the 19th brumaire did not surprise Paris at all.
Military failures, which they were able to cope with only at the last moment, the economic crisis, the return of the civil war all this spoke of the failure of the entire period of stabilization under the Directory[131].
The coup of 18 Brumaire is considered the end of the Great French Revolution.
The results of the revolution[edit / edit wiki text]
The revolution led to the collapse of the old order and the establishment of a new, more democratic and progressive society in France.
However, speaking about the goals achieved and the victims of the revolution, many historians tend to conclude that the same goals could have been achieved without such a huge number of victims.
As the American historian R. Palmer points out, the common point of view is that " half a century after 1789, ... the conditions in France would be the same even if no revolution had taken place"[132].
Alexis Tocqueville wrote that the collapse of the Old Order would have occurred without any revolution, but only gradually.
Pierre Huber noted that many remnants of the Old Order remained after the revolution and flourished again under the rule of the Bourbons, established since 1815[133].
At the same time, a number of authors point out that the revolution brought the people of France liberation from heavy oppression, which could not be achieved otherwise.
A "balanced" view of the revolution considers it as a great tragedy in the history of France, but at the same time inevitable, resulting from the severity of class contradictions and accumulated economic and political problems[134].
Most historians believe that the Great French Revolution was of great international importance, contributed to the spread of progressive ideas throughout the world, influenced a series of revolutions in Latin America, as a result of which the latter was freed from colonial dependence, and a number of other events of the first half of the XIX century.
Historiography[edit / edit wiki text]
Character[edit / edit wiki text]
Check the neutrality.
There should be details on the discussion page.
Marxist historians (as well as a number of non Marxist historians [pr 4]) claim that the Great French Revolution was "bourgeois" in nature, it consisted in replacing the feudal system with the capitalist one, and the leading role in this process was played by the "bourgeois class", which overthrew the "feudal aristocracy"during the revolution.
Many historians disagree with this[135] [136][137], indicating that:
feudalism in France disappeared several centuries before the revolution (see the Old Order).
At the same time, it should be noted that the absence of "feudalism" is not an argument against the "bourgeois" character of the Great French Revolution.
With the corresponding absence of" feudalism", the revolutions of 1830 and 1848 were bourgeois in nature (See the revolution of 1830 and the revolution of 1848); capitalism in France was sufficiently developed even before the revolution, and industry was well developed [pr 5].
At the same time, during the years of the revolution, industry fell into a severe decline — that is, instead of giving an impetus to the development of capitalism, in fact, the revolution slowed down its development[138] the French aristocracy actually included not only large landowners, but also large capitalists[139].
Supporters of this view do not see the class division in Louis XVI's France.
The abolition of all class privileges, including taxation, was the essence of the conflict between the estates in the States General in 1789 and was enshrined in the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen[31].
Meanwhile, as R. Mandru points out, the bourgeoisie for many decades preceding the revolution bought aristocratic titles (which were officially sold), which led to the washing out of the old hereditary aristocracy[140]; for example, in the Paris Parliament in the XVIII century, only 6% of its 590 members belonged to the descendants of the old aristocracy that existed before 1500, and 94% of the members of parliament belonged to families that received a noble title during the XVI—XVIII centuries[141].
This "washing out" of the old aristocracy is evidence of the rising influence of the bourgeoisie.
It remained only to formalize this politically; however, this required the expulsion from the country or the physical destruction of that part of the bourgeoisie that had previously become part of the aristocracy and, in fact, formed the majority of the latter; it was the French aristocracy that imposed capitalist (market) relations during the 25-30 years preceding 1789[pr 6]; "Again, however, there are serious flaws in such an argument," writes Lewis Gwine.
"It must be remembered that the aristocracy owned most of the land under which coal, iron ore and other mineral deposits were located; their participation is often considered as just another way to increase the income from their land holdings.
Only the aristocratic minority managed industrial enterprises directly.
Recent studies show a difference in "economic behavior".
While the" bourgeois "of the third estate invested huge sums in mines, for example, concentrated production in several main places, introduced new methods of coal mining, the aristocrat, having "feudal" control over the land where the most productive mines were located, worked through his agents and managers, who constantly advised him not to involve himself too deeply in a modern industrial enterprise (les entreprises en grand).
Property here, from the point of view of land or shares, is not a key issue; it is more a question of "how" investments, technical innovations and "management" of industrial enterprises took place"[142]; at the end of the existence of the Old Order and further during the revolution, there were mass uprisings of peasants and townspeople against the methods of economic liberalism (free trade)used in France[143] [144], against large private enterprises in cities [145][146] (at the same time, workers and Sans — culottes, who were part of the bourgeoisie of that time, took an active part in these uprisings[137][147]); (and against fencing, construction of irrigation systems and modernization in the countryside[144]) during the revolution, the "bourgeoisie" that Marxist historians mean [pr 7]
- not merchants, entrepreneurs and financiers, and mostly officials and representatives of the liberal professions[148], which is also recognized by a number of "neutral" historians[149].
Among non Marxist historians, there are different views on the nature of the Great French Revolution.
The traditional [source not specified 244 days] view that arose in the late XVIII early XIX centuries. (Sieyes, Barnave, Guizot)
and supported by some modern historians (P. Huber), considers the revolution as a nationwide uprising against the aristocracy, its privileges and its methods of oppression of the masses[150] [139], hence the revolutionary terror against the privileged classes, the desire of revolutionaries to destroy everything that was associated with the Old Order, and build a new free and democratic society.
From these aspirations flowed the main slogans of the revolution freedom, equality, fraternity.
According to the second [source not specified 244 days] view, the revolution as a whole (A. Cobben[151]) or by the basic nature of protest movements (V. Tomsinov[source not specified 254 days] B. Moore[152], F. Fuhrer[153] had an anti capitalist character, or represented an explosion of mass protest against the spread of free market relations and large enterprises (I. Wallerstein, V. Huneke, A. Milward, S. Saul) [154][155].
According to G. Roode, this is a representation of radical and left wing radical views[156].
At the same time, the Marxist view of the Great French Revolution is widely spread among left wing politicians,such as Louis Blanc, Karl Marx, Jean Jaures, Peter Kropotkin, who developed this view in their writings.
Thus, one of the authors adjacent to the Marxist trend[157] Daniel Guerin, a French anarchist, in "La lutte des classes sous la Première République, 1793-1797" expressed the neo — Trotskyist view[158] — "The French revolution had a dual character, bourgeois and permanent, and carried the beginnings of a proletarian revolution", "anti — capitalist" - generalizes the views of Guerin Wallerstein[159], and he adds that "Guerin managed to unite both Sobul and Furet against himself," that is, representatives of both the "classical" and "revisionist" trends - "They both reject such an "implicit" representation of history," Wallerstein writes[160].
However, among the supporters of the "anti Marxist" view — mostly professional historians and sociologists (A. Cobban, B. Moore, F. Furet, A. Milward, S. Saul, I. Wallerstein, V. Tomsinov[citation 254 days]).
F. Furet, D. rishe, A. Milward, S. Saul believe that, by its nature or causes of the French revolution had much in common with the 1917 revolution in Russia [159][161]
There are other opinions about the nature of the revolution.
For example, historians F. Fuhrer and D. Richet consider the revolution to a large extent as a struggle for power between various groups that replaced each other several times during 1789-1799[162], which led to a change in the political system, but did not lead to significant changes in the social and economic system[163].
There is a view of the revolution as an explosion of social antagonism between the poor and the rich[164].
Songs of revolutionary France[edit / edit wiki text]
"Sa ira ""La Marseillaise"
The revolution in philately[edit / edit wiki text]
Postage stamps of the USSR
200 years of the Great French Revolution
The Capture of the Bastille on July 14, 1789
J. P. Marat, J. J. Danton, M. Robespierre
See also[edit / edit wiki text]
► The Great French Revolution
Simolin, Ivan Matveyevich the Russian Envoy in Paris (March 14, 1784 February 7, 1792) The French Revolution (film) (1989) Historical drawings of the events of the revolution
Notes[edit / edit wiki text]
Comments
Цифры The figures of belonging to a particular grouping have changed throughout the existence of the Convention
"The leading role in the Convention belonged to the Republican "parties", between which, however, there was an acute struggle on almost all issues of domestic and foreign policy.
The right wing was occupied by the Girondins (approximately 140 people), among them such major political figures as brissot, Vernio, Guide, Pétion, Buzeaud, and other...
Left wing "party" Montagnards (first little more than 110 people, over time their number increased to about 150), represented a motley conglomeration of people from different social and economic views...
Between the two warring groups was a "swamp" or "plain" — passive majority (about 500 members), allied to the one, the other."[54]
↑ Based on the latest terror research:
"Of the 17,000 victims distributed across specific geographical areas: 52% in the Vendee, 19% in the southeast, 10% in the capital and 13% in the rest of France.
The difference between the zones of shocks and a small proportion of fairly rural areas.
The contrast between the departments becomes more vivid.
Some of them have suffered more, like the inner Loire, the Vendee, than the Maine and Loire, the Rhone and Paris.
No executions were recorded in six departments; thirty one had fewer than 10; 32 had fewer than 100; and only 18 had more than 1,000.
The charges of rebellion and treason were by far, the most frequent grounds for accusation (78%), followed by federalism (10%), counter revolutionary statements (9%) and economic crimes (1.25%).
Artisans, shopkeepers.
employees and ordinary people made up the largest contingent (31%), concentrated in Lyon, Marseille and neighboring cities.
The peasants are represented to a greater extent (28%) due to the uprising in the Vendee than federalism and the commercial bourgeoisie.
Nobles (8.25%) and priests (6.5%), who seemed to make up relatively fewer victims, were actually in a higher proportion of victims than other social categories.
In the most peaceful regions, they were the only victims.
In addition ,the "Great Terror" is hardly different from the rest.
In June and July 1794, it accounted for 14% of executions, as opposed to 70% in the period from October 1793 to May 1794, and 3.5% until September 1793, if you add executions without trial and death in prison, then a total of apparently 50,000 victims of Terror throughout France, which is 2 out of every 1000 population. " [89]
↑ 4 Brumaire of the year IV, just before the end of its powers, the Convention declared a general amnesty for "cases related exclusively to the revolution"[109].
At the same meeting, it was decided to rename the Place de la Revolution (French place de la Revolution) to the Place de la Concorde (French place de la Concorde)[110] According to the historian R. Palmer, for the first time the thesis about the Great French Revolution as a "bourgeois revolution" in its modern sense was put forward and developed by Louis Blanc in his 12 volume work "History of the French Revolution" by R. Palmer.
The World of the French Revolution.
NY, 1971, p. 262 ↑ As indicated by F.Braudel, capitalism in agriculture in France in the 18th century was less developed than in England, but more than in Germany.
During the 18th century, industry developed rapidly.
Everywhere, in every city and even in every village in France, there were industrial enterprises that employed a significant part of the country's population.
So, at the end of the 18th century, only 5 provinces of the north of France employed 1.5 million workers in the textile industry (with the total population of the country - 25 million people).
Fernand Braudel.
Civilisation materielle, economie et capitalisme, XV XVIIIe siècle.
Tome 2.
Le jeux de l’echange.
Paris, 1979, p. 256, 269 ↑ The introduction of market relations began in 1763-1771 under Louis XV and continued in subsequent years, up to 1789 (see the Old Order).
The leading role in this was played by liberal economists (physiocrats), who were almost all representatives of the aristocracy (including the head of the government, Physiocrat Turgot), and kings Louis XV and Louis XVI were active supporters of these ideas.
See Kaplan S. Bread, Politics and Political Economy in the reign of Louis XV.
Hague, 1976 ↑ The concept of "bourgeoisie" in 18th century France differed from the current understanding of this term.
The then French bourgeoisie meant approximately what is understood today by the "middle class" and included very different groups of people by occupation.
R. Palmer.
the World of the French Revolution.
NY,1971, p.258, P.Goubert.
L'Ancien Regime.
T.1: La Societe.
Paris,1969, pp.
218-219, A.Milward and S.Saul.
The Economic Development of Continental Europe, 1780-1870, Totowa, 1973, p. 265
Sources
↑ 1 2 Revunenkov, 1982, p. 66 ↑ Doyle, 2002, p. 87 ↑ Lefebvre, 1989, p. 22 ↑ Furet, 1996, p. 40 ↑ Lefebvre, 1989, p. 23 ↑ Vovelle, 1984, p. 76 ↑ Vovelle, 1984, p. 77 ↑ Lefebvre, 1962, p. 99 ↑ Lefebvre, 1989, p. 27 ^ Revunenkov, 1982, pp.
57-59 ^ a b Soboul 1974, p. 108-109 ^ a b Soboul 1974, p. 125 ^ a b Soboul 1974, p. 126-127 ↑ Furet, 1996, pp.
45-51 ↑ Lefebvre, 1962, p. 103-105 ^ a b Soboul 1974, p. 130 ^ a b Furet, 1996, pp.
63 ↑ Vovelle, 1984, p. 102 ↑ Lefebvre, 1962, p. 114 ↑ Hampson, 1988, p. 67 ↑ Lefebvre, 1962, p. 115 ↑ Vovelle, 1984, p. 103 ↑ Thompson, 1959, p. 55 ↑ Furet, 1996, p. 67 ↑ Hampson, 1988, p. 74 Рев Revunenkov, 1982, p. 71 ↑ 1 2 Hampson, 1988, p. 89 ↑ Lefebvre, 1963, p. 128 ↑ Badak, 1998, p .
14, 16 ↑ Vovelle, 1984, p. 112-114 ↑ 1 2 Revunenkov, 1982, p. 80 ↑ Rude, 1991, p. 57 ↑ Furet, 1996, p. 79 ↑ Soboul, 1974, p. 156 ↑ Revunenkov, 1982, p. 85 Рев Revunenkov, 1982, p. 107 ↑ Doyle, 2002, p. 125-126 ↑ Rude, 1991, p. 63 ^ a b Soboul 1974, p. 198-202 ↑ Doyle, 2002, p. 144-148 ↑ Lefebvre, 1962, p. 176 ^ a b Soboul 1974, p. 222 retrieved Revunenkov, 1982, p. 128 ↑ Rude, 1991, p. 74 ↑ Lefebvre, 1962, p. 210 ^ a b Hampson, 1988, p. 135-137 ↑ Lefebvre, 1962, p. 222 ^ a b Soboul, 1974, p. 246 ^ a b Hampson, 1988, p. 144 ↑ Lefebvre, 1962, p. 238 ↑ Lefebvre, 1962, p. 235 ^ a b Soboul, 1974, p. 262 ^ Revunenkov, 1982, p. 207 ↑ Chudinov, 2006, p. 297 ↑ Rude, 1991, p. 80 ↑ Hampson, 1988, p. 157 ↑ Doyle, 2002, p. 199-202 ↑ Rude, 1991, p. 82 ↑ Jordan, 1979, p. 172 ↑ Doyle, 2002, p. 196 ^ a b Hampson, 1988, p.
176-178 ^ a b Soboul 1974, p. 309 ↑ Chudinov, 2006, p. 300 ^ a b Hampson, 1988, p. 189 ↑ Lefebvre, 1963, p. 68 ↑ 1 2 Lefebvre, 1963, p. 55 ↑ Mathiez, 1929, p. 336 ↑ Soboul, 1974, p. 319 ↑ Bouloiseau, 1983, p. 67 ^ a b Soboul, 1974, p. 316 ↑ Mathiez, 1929, p. 338 ↑ ADO, 1990, p. 238 ^ a b Soboul, 1974, p. 323-325 ↑ Lefebvre, 1963, p. 64 ^ a b Soboul, 1974, p. 328-330 ↑ 1 2 Furet 1996, p. 134 ↑ Bouloiseau, 1983, p. 100 ↑ Lefebvre, 1963, p. 100 ↑ Lefebvre, 1963, p. 104 ↑ Lefebvre, 1963, p. 101 ^ a b Thompson 1959, p. 426 ↑ Lefebvre, 1963, p. 96 ↑ Lefebvre, 1963, p. 98 ↑ Soboul, 1974, p. 341 ↑ Lefebvre, 1963, p. 71 ↑ Furet, 1996, p. 135 ↑ Greer, 1935, p. 19 ^ a b Furet 1996, p. 138 ↑ Bouloiseau, 1983, p. 210 ^ a b Soboul, 1974, p. 354 ↑ Lefebvre, 1963, p. 61 ^ a b Thompson 1959, p. 442 ↑ Chudinov, 2006, p. 303 ^ a b Soboul, 1974, p. 359 ↑ Lefebvre, 1963, p.
88 ^ a b Hampson, 1988, p. 220 ^ a b Hampson, 1988, p. 221 ↑ Lefebvre, 1963, p. 90 ^ a b Soboul, 1974, p. 405 ↑ Rude, 1991, p. 108 ^ a b Lefebvre, 1963, p. 134 ^ a b Furet 1996, p. 150 ^ a b Soboul, 1974, p. 411-412 ^ a b Rude 1988, p. 115 ^ a b Thompson 1959, p. 517 ↑ Woronoff, 1984, p. 9-10 ↑ Woronoff, 1984, p. 20 ↑ Doyle, 2002, p. 319 ↑ 1 2 Soboul, 1974, p. 473 ↑ Thompson, 1988, p. 473 ↑ Woronoff, 1984, p. 29 ^ a b Soboul, 1975, p. 483 ↑ Lefebvre, 1963, p. 174 ↑ 1 2 Lefebvre, 1963, p. 175 ↑ Rude, 1991, p. 122 ↑ Lefebvre, 1963, p. 176 ^ a b Soboul, 1975, p. 503-509 ^ a b Furet 1996, p. 181 ^ a b Soboul, 1975, p. 507 ^ a b Soboul, 1975, p. 508 ↑ Lefebvre, 1964, p. 338 ^ a b Soboul, 1975, p.
523-525 ↑ Woronoff, 1984, p. 162 ↑ Woronoff, 1984, p. 164 ↑ Doyle, 2002, p. 372 ↑ Woronoff, 1984, p. 184 ^ a b Soboul, 1975, p. 540 ↑ 1 2 Rude, 1991, p. 125 ↑ Doyle, 2002, p. 374 ↑ 1 2 Woronoff, 1984, p. 188 ↑ Woronoff, 1984, p. 189 ↑ Palmer, 1971, p. 253 ↑ Goubert, 1973, p. 245-247 ↑ Palmer, 1971, p. 254 ↑ Wallerstein, 1989, pp.
34 to 60 ↑ Palmer, 1971, p. 265 ↑ 1 2 G. Ellis.
The ‘Marxist Interpretation’ of the French Revolution.
The English Historical Review, vol. XCIII, N 367, 1978, p. 363 ↑ Alfred Cobban.
Interpretation of the French Revolution.
Cambridge, 1965, pp.
74-75 ↑ 1 2 Goubert, 1969, p. 235 ↑ R. Mandrou.
La France aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siecles.
Paris, 1987, p.108 ↑ Goubert P. L’Ancien Regime.
Paris, T. 1, 1969, p.179 ↑ Gwynne Lewis.
The French Revolution.
Rethinking the debate, London 1999, p. 83 ↑ Kaplan S. Bread, Politics and Political Economy in the reign of Louis XV.
Hague, 1976, pp.
488—498, 666—670 ↑ 1 2 Wallerstein, 1989, p. 48 Pal Palmer, 1971, p. 109 ↑ Badak A. N., Voynich I. E., etc.
World History in 24 vols .
vol.
16. Minsk, 1998, p .
9 Pal Palmer, 1971, p. 109 ↑ Alfred Cobban.
Interpretation of the French Revolution.
Cambridge, 1965, p. 61 ↑ G.Lefevbre.
La revolution francaise, 1951, p. 75; M.Reinhard, Sur l’histoire de la Revolution francaise, p. 561 ↑ Palmer, 1971, p. 255 ↑ Cobban A.
The Social Interpretation of the French Revolution, Cambridge, 1964, pp.
168, 172 ↑ Barrington Moore.
Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy.
Lord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World.
Hammondsworth, 1966.
pp.
83, 92,104 ↑ Francoit Furet.
Penser la Revolution Francaise.
Paris, 1978, pp.
129—130 ↑ Wallerstein, 1989, p. 93,48 ↑ A.Milward and S.Saul.
The Economic Development of Continental Europe, 1780—1870, Totowa, 1973, p. 256 ↑ Rude, George.
The French Revolution.
New York: Grove Weidenfeld, 1991, p. 18 ↑ Alfred Cobban.
Interpretation of the French Revolution.
Cambridge, 1965, p. 121 ↑ Rude, George.
The French Revolution.
New York: Grove Weidenfeld, 1991, p. 19 ↑ 1 2 Wallerstein, 1989, p. 46 ↑ Wallerstein, 1989, p. 47 ↑ A.Milward and S.Saul.
The Economic Development of Continental Europe, 1780—1870, Totowa, 1973, p. 252 ↑ F.Furet, D.Richet.
La revolution francaise.
Paris, 1973, c=213, 217 ↑ Francoit Furet.
Penser la Revolution Francaise.
Paris, 1978, p. 28, 157 ↑ Cobban A.
The Social Interpretation of the French Revolution, Cambridge, 1964, p. 168
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