Political education journal of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation
Main Party Events Magazine Agitpoint Politucheba Library Contacts
Home Magazine 2012 No. 2 (67) 2012
The Second All Russian Congress of Soviets
To the 95th anniversary of the Great October
1.
Opening of the Congress
On the night of October 26, the Military Revolutionary Committee of the Petrograd Soviet, having overthrown the government of the bourgeoisie, transferred power to the II All Russian Congress of Soviets.
Delegates began to gather in Petrograd on October 17-18, since the opening of the congress was originally scheduled for the 20th.
The socialist revolutionary Menshevik leaders of the Central Executive Committee deliberately chose dormitories in different parts of the city in order to prevent the unification of delegates.
The trick, however, failed.
Very quickly, all the delegates ' dormitories turned into lively political clubs.
The delegates went to the factories and shelves.
The tense situation in the capital city dispelled the conciliatory illusions of some delegates who arrived from the front or from a distant province.
In the evenings, in the dormitories, the delegates shared their impressions of a stormy day.
There were heated discussions and disputes everywhere, and the majority of the delegates, who did not formally join the Bolshevik party, unanimously spoke out against the Provisional Government.
Even the non party members were captured by the fighting mood that reigned in the capital and among the Bolshevik delegates.
Up to October 22, 1917, 175 delegates arrived in Petrograd, 102 of them Bolsheviks and sharing the Bolshevik point of view (see: Centralarchiv.
The Second All Russian Congress of Soviets of R. and S. D. — Moscow Leningrad: Gosizdat, 1928. p. LIII; from the editorial office).
Every day, representatives of the Central Committee of the Bolsheviks came to the dormitories with a list in their hands.
The Bolshevik delegates were summoned and sent to the working class districts of Petrograd.
The Bolshevik delegates, on the instructions of the Central Committee, spoke at factory and regimental meetings.
Several times a day, the delegate of the North Caucasus, S. M. Kirov, made passionate speeches.
The growth of the revolution in Tsaritsyn was reported by Ya.
Z. Erman.
The Bolshevik delegates brought instructions in which tens of thousands of proletarians of industrial regions demanded the transfer of power to the Soviets.
The Bolshevik soldiers said that the army was catching rumors about the impending revolution.
Kerensky's name was pronounced only with mockery and abuse.
The Urals, the Donbass, the Volga region, Ukraine, the front the whole country was held in front of the audience at stormy rallies.
According to the speeches of the Bolshevik delegates, the Petrograd workers were convinced that they were not alone, that they would be supported by the entire working class, the entire peasant poor.
Of the 318 provincial Councils represented at the Second Congress, only 59 voted for the "power of democracy" and 18 made half hearted (partly for the "power of democracy", partly for the "power of the Soviets") decisions.
The delegates of the 241 Soviet came to the congress with Bolshevik instructions.
241 The Council stated unequivocally: "All power to the Soviets!".
The fewer days left before the opening of the congress, the more often the delegates gathered in Smolny.
Delegates from the trenches, factories and villages came with excited, worried faces.
In the long, arched, dimly lit corridors, in the clouds of tobacco smoke, crowds of people were constantly moving, dark, greasy jackets of workers, gray overcoats of soldiers and black ones of sailors, zipuns and Armenian peasants flashed.
Delegations of workers 'districts and soldiers' regiments came to testify their devotion to the revolution and the opening Congress of Soviets.
All day on October 25, from early morning to late evening, factional meetings took place in the halls of Smolny.
The most numerous faction of the Congress was represented by the Bolsheviks.
They made up the overwhelming majority of the Second Congress — 390 people out of the total number of 650 delegates who arrived for the opening of the congress.
During the work of the congress, several dozen more delegates arrived.
The Bolshevik faction was located on the first floor of Smolny.
A continuous stream of people was heading towards her.
The huge room, all the furniture of which consisted of a table and several chairs, was crowded with people.
The delegates of the congress — the Bolsheviks — were sitting on the floor, along the walls.
The mood was upbeat, but calm and confident.
Many Bolshevik delegates spent the last days before the congress and spent the night here, in Smolny, in the faction's premises.
Having spread a newspaper, a coat or an overcoat on the floor, they dozed for 2-3 hours, so that the next morning they would be ready to carry out the party's orders again.
Some of them were armed with revolvers, rifles, checkers; hand grenades hung from their belts.
The composition of the delegates to the Second Congress of Soviets was a clear demonstration of how much the Bolshevik Party managed to convince the masses during the seven months of the Provisional Government's existence that it was impossible to resolve issues about land and peace outside of the proletarian revolution.
The Mensheviks and the right Social Revolutionaries — the strongest parties of the First Congress of Soviets appeared at the Second Congress as pathetic bankrupts.
It took a very short time for these imaginary friends of the people to be completely exposed in the eyes of the workers and peasants as traitors, deserters of the revolution.
The right srs, together with the SRS of the center, made up a group of 60 delegates.
The remaining members of the Socialist Revolutionary party followed the "left".
Subsequently, during the congress, the "left" social Revolutionaries, having won back some of the provincial delegates — the right and the center numbered 179 people, making up the second largest faction of the congress after the Bolsheviks.
The Mensheviks of various trends, including the Bund, had a group of about 80 people behind them at the beginning of the congress.
Pale and confused, the leaders of the Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries wandered dejectedly through the corridors of Smolny.
They were generals without an army.
At the factional meetings of the Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries, which were divided into innumerable groups, a split occurred.
The leaders of the Mensheviks and the right Srs decided at first not to take part in the congress.
But the mood of the masses was so revolutionary that ordinary members of the Menshevik and Socialist Revolutionary parties openly opposed this decision of their leaders.
There were long debates in the Menshevik faction, but the Menshevik leaders failed to achieve unity.
A break was announced for the meeting of the Menshevik Central Committee.
At 6 o'clock in the evening, the meeting of the faction resumed.
Dan announced that the Menshevik Central Committee had decided to absolve itself of responsibility for the coup, and therefore the Menshevik party could not stand on the Bolshevik barricades.
The Central Committee of the Mensheviks proposed to the faction to refuse to participate in the Congress of Soviets and at the same time decided to start negotiations with the Provisional Government on the creation of power.
The Social Revolutionaries in the faction also had debates about their attitude to the congress.
The Central Committee of the Social Revolutionaries proposed to refuse to participate in the congress, but the faction decided by a majority not to leave the congress.
In order to keep the delegates of the front in their hands, the socialist revolutionary Mensheviks created a front group.
Taking advantage of the absence of the Bolsheviks, who had gone to a meeting of their faction, the socialist revolutionary Mensheviks, by 16 votes to 9 with 6 abstentions, fabricated the opinion of the group, deciding to evade participation in the congress.
Factional meetings dragged on until late in the evening.
By agreement of all the factions, it was decided to open the congress by 8 o'clock in the evening.
At 10 o'clock the Menshevik faction was still sitting.
The Bolsheviks sent two representatives to the Mensheviks to find out when the Mensheviks would appear in the meeting hall.
The Mensheviks replied that they needed at least another hour (see: To the Congress of Soviets // Rabochy Put, No. 46, October 26, 1917).
Finally, at the eleventh hour of the night, a group of members of the old Central Executive Committee — Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries appears at the presidium table.
Despite the late hour, Smolny is still full of traffic.
The white pillared hall is flooded with the lights of chandeliers; people have climbed on the ledges of columns, on window sills, on benches.
A dense crowd is crowding in the doors and aisles.
At 10: 40, a fat Menshevik Dan, in a military jacket, with a doctor's armband on his sleeve, comes to the table.
On behalf of the Central Executive Committee of the first convocation, he opens the congress.
However, the Mensheviks and their inseparable companions, the right social Revolutionaries, seemed to have come to the congress only to openly show their counter revolutionary face from its rostrum to the rebellious workers and soldiers.
From the very first moment they openly and unconditionally supported the counter revolution, the nest of which — the Winter Palace the Petrograd workers and soldiers at that time took by storm with rifles in their hands.
"I am a member of the presidium of the Central Executive Committee, and at this time our party comrades are under fire in the Winter Palace, selflessly fulfilling their duty as ministers" (see: Centralarchiv.
The Second All Russian Congress of Soviets of R. and S. D. — Moscow Leningrad: Gosizdat, 1928. p. 32), - said Dan, opening the congress.
At that time, the ministers with whom Dan was in solidarity were calling troops from the front to pacify the Petrograd proletariat.
They also sent Kerensky to the front to bring the Cossack units to Petrograd.
They appointed Cadet Kishkin as a "dictator", giving him extraordinary powers to establish "order"in Petrograd.
"Without any speeches," Dan declared, "I declare the meeting of the congress open and propose to proceed to the election of the presidium" (ibid.).
The Bolsheviks proposed to form a presidium on the basis of proportional representation of all the factions present at the congress.
However, the Mensheviks and the right Srs refused to give their representatives.
The Menshevik internationalists also declared that they "abstain" from participating in the elections of the presidium of the Congress "until certain issues are clarified" (ibid., p.33).
Following this, the Menshevik internationalists put forward a demand "first of all to discuss the question of how to prevent an imminent civil war" (ibid., p. 34).
A skinny, angry figure of Martov appears on the podium.
The leader of the Mensheviks in a hoarse voice begins to shout obscenities at the Bolsheviks, calling the victorious uprising of the proletariat a "secret conspiracy" and suggesting that the rebellious workers and soldiers come to their senses before it is too late.
The essence of the Mensheviks ' proposal was that the members of the Congress should go to the streets of Petrograd to persuade the rebellious workers and soldiers to return home.
On behalf of the Menshevik internationalists, Martov recommended to the Congress
"to elect a delegation for negotiations with other socialist parties and organizations in order to achieve an end to the conflict that has begun."
Martov saw the possibility of preventing a civil war, according to him, "in the creation of a unified democratic government" (ibid.).
Representatives of "other socialist parties and organizations", with whom Martov proposed to agree "on the creation of a unified democratic government", were sitting right there at the congress.
And if they sincerely wanted to follow the path of the demands of the vast majority of the working masses, they had to take part in the work of the congress, obeying all its resolutions.
Martov's proposal was fraught with something else.
The" cessation of the conflict that had begun " — which the Mensheviks demanded meant an end to the siege of the Winter Palace, freedom of action for the ministers who were sitting there, headed by the "dictator" Kishkin, gaining time for the Provisional Government to receive reinforcements from the front and mobilize counter revolutionary forces in Petrograd itself.
This proposal meant direct support for the counter revolution.
Martov's proposal was joined by other wavering factions of the Congress — the "left" Social Revolutionaries and the front group.
The Bolshevik faction declared that it
"he has absolutely nothing against Martov's proposal.
On the contrary, it is interested in all the factions finding out their point of view on the current events and saying what they see as a way out of the current situation" (ibid., p.35).
In this formulation of the question — in the sense of the Congress factions clarifying their attitude to the events taking place — Martov's proposal was unanimously adopted by the Congress.
The adopted resolution clearly could not satisfy the Mensheviks.
The Congress did not take into account the main content of their proposal — "stopping the conflict that has begun".
One by one, the representatives of the Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviks demanded the word for "extraordinary statements".
Choking with impotent anger, they continued to shout about the" conspiracy "and" adventurism " of the Bolsheviks.
From the rostrum of the congress, they openly proclaimed a civil war against the Soviet government.
"The Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries consider it necessary to dissociate themselves from everything that is happening here and to gather public forces in order to stubbornly resist attempts to seize power" (ibid.), said the Menshevik Ya.
A. Harash, who acted as a representative of the committee of the XII Army.
After him, the Menshevik officer G. D. Kuchin appeared on the podium, taking the word "on behalf of the front group".
"From now on, the arena of struggle is being transferred to the places — there is a need to mobilize forces," said the Menshevik envoy.
— On whose behalf are you speaking?
— they ask him from the seats.
— When are they selected?
And what do the soldiers say?
(Ibid. , p. 36).
Kuchin begins to list one after another the army committees II, III, IV, VI, VII and other armies.
There are already clear threats in his voice.
He intimidates the congress by saying that the armies at the front will come to Petrograd and leave no stone unturned.
He threatens the congress with the opening of the front and the death of Russia.
In support of his words, Kuchin reads the resolutions of the army committees full of the same threats.
There is silence in the hall.
A chill runs through the ranks of delegates.
The front line units represent a huge fighting force.
And what if everything that this officer says is true?..
But then a loud, confident voice splits the tense silence of the hall.
A front line soldier in a mud spattered overcoat hurriedly makes his way to the podium.
"They present to us here the opinions of the heaps sitting in the army and front line committees.
The army has been demanding their re election for a long time...
The residents of the trenches are looking forward to the transfer of power into the hands of the Soviets" (ibid., p. 39).
And the speaker, amid a storm of enthusiastic shouts and applause of the congress, shakes a bundle of soldiers ' resolutions brought from the front over the hall.
After that, a representative of the Latvian shooters speaks.
He says:
"You have listened to the statement of two representatives of the army committees, and these statements would have value if their authors were real representatives of the army...
They do not represent the soldiers...
Let them leave — the army is not with them! "
(ibid., p. 38).
Harash and Kuchin were typical representatives of the army committees elected almost at the beginning of the February Revolution.
The ordinary mass of soldiers quite correctly regarded them as agents of the General Staff, which had changed its appearance little since the fall of the autocracy.
And from the very first minutes of the opening of the congress, a struggle began between the representatives of the army, peasant, railway top organizations speaking from the rostrum and the grass roots delegates who filled all the benches, ledges and aisles of the huge hall: workers, soldiers, peasants mi.
The ordinary delegates of the congress met with hatred and ridicule every word of the committee members who spoke in the conference hall of the congress as if in a hostile camp.
The exclamations of indignation that resounded from the delegates ' benches in response to the Menshevik Socialist Revolutionary threats were only a faint echo of the enormous indignation that the country was engulfed by the policy of the social compromisers.
The voice of Kuchin and the other committee members reflected yesterday's day of the revolution.
- Traitors... you speak from the headquarters, not from the army!
Kuchin was shouted contemptuously from the delegate benches.
And in response to Kuchin's call "to all conscious soldiers" to leave the congress, hundreds of soldiers ' voices from the hall answered him:
- Kornilovtsy!
The dirty attacks made by Harash and Kuchin in their speeches were repeated after that in the declarations announced by the Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries, full of pitiful anger at the socialist revolution and counter revolutionary attacks against the Bolsheviks.
The Menshevik declaration called the Great Socialist Revolution an "adventure", a " conspiracy "that" plunges the country into civil strife "and"leads to the triumph of the counter revolution".
The Mensheviks considered the only way out of the situation... "negotiations with the Provisional Government on the formation of power" (ibid., p. 37).
The Social Revolutionaries joined the Mensheviks ' statement.
Their declaration, announced by Handelman, in full unity with the Menshevik declaration, called the October Uprising "a crime against the motherland and the revolution" (ibid., p.38).
The Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries declared in their declarations that they were leaving the Congress.
They were followed by a representative of the Bundist group, who also announced the decision to leave the congress.
On the podium — the representative of the Bundists Abramovich.
He said that all the Mensheviks, social Revolutionaries, the Executive Committee of Peasant Deputies and members of the City Duma had decided to die together with the government, and therefore they were all going to the Winter Palace under fire.
Abramovich invited all the members of the congress to accompany the Social Revolutionaries and Mensheviks to the Winter Palace.
"Not on the way," they answered him from the seats.
After that, the Mensheviks, the right wing social Revolutionaries and the Bundists left the congress, to which they came only to throw from its rostrum a call for the unification of counter revolutionary forces.
I had to walk across the hall from the presidium table.
The leaders of the compromisers made their way through the dense crowd of delegates, and from all the benches they were accompanied by jeers, whistles, indignant exclamations.
"Deserters!
Traitors!
Good riddance!
— they shouted after them.
However, the socialist revolutionary Menshevik leaders did not manage to take even their supporters with them.
The struggle of the lower ranks of the compromisist parties continued at the congress itself.
80 people were registered in the Menshevik faction and 60 in the right — wing Social Revolutionaries.
It was expected that 140 delegates would leave.
But some of the Srs went to the Ukrainian srs; the number of the latter increased from 7 to 21 overnight.
Some of the Mensheviks moved to the united internationalists, who remained at the congress.
The number of united internationalists increased from 14 to 35.
Many right wing social revolutionaries and non party members joined the "left" social revolutionaries.
The number of" left " social revolutionaries increased to 179, while all social revolutionaries were numbered 193 before the opening of the congress.
Thus, only 70 people left the congress, no more.
And at the congress itself, the process of isolating the compromisers continued: many ordinary members of the socialist revolutionary Menshevik factions left their leaders (see: ibid., pp. XXXV and XXXVI).
The Menshevik internationalists also remained at the congress a little longer.
Despite the fact that the behavior of the Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries showed their obvious hostility to the revolution, the Menshevik internationalists continued to persist in insisting on the need for an agreement with them for the formation of a general democratic government.
Soon after the compromisers left, the echoes of dull, distant blows were heard in the congress hall.
It was the thunder of cannons.
The delegates turned to the large dark windows, where the last act of the great uprising — the storming of the Winter Palace was ending at midnight in October.
The socialist revolutionary Mensheviks again appeared in the hall.
With faces distorted with panic and anger, they darted through the crowd of delegates, shouting that the Bolsheviks were shelling the Winter Palace.
Abramovich was rushing around on the podium again.
Wringing his hands, he hysterically called on the Congress to go to the aid of the members of the Provisional Government, among whom there are also party representatives delegated by the Mensheviks.
Martov replaces Abramovich on the podium.
— The information that was announced here is even more insistent that we take decisive steps, " he begins.
But he is interrupted from his seats:
— What information?
Why are you scaring us?
Arenot you ashamed of yourself?
This is just a rumor!
— Not only rumors are heard here, but if you come closer to the windows, you will also hear cannon shots (ibid., p. 41).
Terrified by the thunder of gunfire, Martov accuses the Bolsheviks of a military conspiracy, of organizing bloodshed, and in conclusion, nervously twitching, reads out a declaration demanding the creation of a commission for the peaceful resolution of the crisis.
Until the conclusions of this commission were received, the Menshevik internationalists demanded that the work of the congress be stopped.
As soon as the raspy voice of the Menshevik leader had died down and his stooped back disappeared through the door, the Socialist Revolutionary representative of the Executive Committee of the Soviets of Peasant Deputies addressed the congress with the same "admonitions".
He urged the delegates not to take part "in this congress", but to go to the Winter One, where
"there are three members of the Executive Committee of Peasant Deputies, including Breshko Breshkovskaya.
We are now going there to die together with those who were sent there to do our will" (ibid. 44-45).
A handful of representatives of the Executive Committee of Peasant Deputies left the hall.
Together with the Social Revolutionaries and Mensheviks, they went to the Winter Palace.
After them, from the rostrum of the congress, the sailor of the Aurora generously, reassuringly throws:
— Donot be afraid!
We shoot blanks.
The representative of the Aurora, informing the delegates that the Winter is being fired with blank shells, at the same time assures the congress that the sailors will take all measures to ensure that the Congress of Soviets can "calmly continue its studies" (ibid., p.45).
A new storm of applause resounds in the hall.
A group of people who have arrived at the congress pushes their way towards a group of Mensheviks, social Revolutionaries, members of the bourgeois Duma and the Executive Committee of the Peasants ' Council.
The chairman informs that "the Duma faction of the Bolsheviks came to win or die with the All Russian Congress" (ibid., p. 42).
The Bolsheviks, members of the Petrograd City Duma, are shown in the aisle of the hall.
The Congress meets them with an ovation.
At 3: 10 a.m. on October 26, after a short break, the meeting of the Congress of Soviets resumed with a message about the capture of the Winter Palace.
The last stronghold of the counter revolution has fallen.
The ministers, members of the Provisional Government, headed by the "dictator" Kishkin, who were holed up in Zimny, were arrested by the Red Guard and soldiers.
The Provisional Government, which had deservedly earned the hatred of the masses in a short period of time, no longer existed.
One after another, the Congress of Soviets heard more and more reports about the victories of the Great Proletarian Revolution.
About the transition of all new units to the side of the rebellious people.
Here the commissar of the Tsarskoye Selo garrison appears and declares:
"The Tsarskoye Selo garrison guards the approaches to Petrograd...
When we learned about the approach of the scooters, we prepared for a repulse, but the alarm was in vain, since it turned out that there were no enemies of the All Russian Congress of Soviets among the comrades of the scooters.
When we sent our commissars to them, it turned out that they also stand for the power of the Soviets...
I declare that the Tsarskoye Selo garrison is for the All Russian Congress, for the revolution, which we will defend to the last end" (ibid., pp. 49-50).
After him, a representative of the 3rd scooter battalion, which Sergo Ordzhonikidze visited, rises to the podium.
The congress greets the soldier with stormy applause.
A representative of the scooters says:
"Until recently, we served on the Southwestern Front.
The other day, by telegraphic order, we were moved to the north.
The telegram said that we were going to defend Petrograd, but we didnot know from whom; we looked like blindfolded people; we didnot know where we were being sent, but we vaguely guessed what was going on.
On the way, we were all tormented by the question: where, why?
At the Peredolskaya station, we organized a flying rally of owls locally with the 5th battalion of scooters to clarify the current situation.
At the rally, it turned out that among all the scooters there is not a single person who would agree to speak out against the brothers and shed their blood...
We have decided that we will not submit to the Provisional Government.
There, we said, are people who do not want to protect our interests, but send us against our brothers.
I declare to you specifically: no, we will not give power to a government headed by bourgeois and landowners! "
(ibid., p. 50).
After the speech of the representative of the scooters, they reported that a telegram had been received about the formation of a military revolutionary committee on the Northern Front, "which will prevent the movement of echelons to Petrograd" (ibid., p. 52).
On behalf of the Congress of Soviets, a greeting is sent to the military Revolutionary Committee of the Northern Front.
The Congress of Soviets accepts the appeal written by Lenin "To the workers, soldiers and peasants".
It reported:
"The Second All Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies has opened.
The vast majority of Councils are represented on it.
A number of delegates from peasant organizations are also present at the congress Tips.
The powers of the compromisist Central Executive Committee have ended.
Relying on the will of the vast majority of the workers, soldiers and peasants, relying on the victorious uprising of the workers and the garrison that took place in Petrograd, the Congress takes power into its own hands.
The provisional government has been deposed.
Most of the members of the Provisional Government have already been arrested...
The Congress decides: all local power passes to the Soviets of Workers', Soldiers 'and Peasants' Deputies, who must ensure a genuine revolutionary order" (ibid., p. 53).
A short appeal, written in a stingy, concise Leninist language, opened a new era in the life of a multi million people.
From now on, the power of the landlords and the bourgeoisie was abolished forever, and the broad masses of the working people themselves were involved in the management of the state.
Lenin's proclamation ended with a revolutionary appeal on behalf of the Congress of Soviets to soldiers, workers, and employees.
It urged them to be vigilant and persistent.
"Soldiers!
— it said in it.
- Show active opposition to Kornilov Kerensky!
Be on guard!
Railway workers!
Stop all the trains sent by Kerensky to Petrograd!
Soldiers, workers, employees, the fate of the revolution and the fate of the democratic world are in your hands!
Long live the revolution! "
(ibid., pp. 53-56).
For the first time in history, the transfer of power from the hands of one class to the hands of another was decreed so simply and briefly.
The reading of the proclamation was often interrupted by the stormy applause of the delegates.
The "left" social revolutionaries who remained at the congress also joined the appeal.
At 5 o'clock in the morning, the appeal was adopted by the congress by all votes to 2, with 12 abstentions.
And although it was already morning and the delegates were tired, everyone's eyes were bright and young, and their hearts were filled with joyful hope.
The October dawn was breaking over the capital.
The dawn of a new life has dawned over the world.
2. The Decrees of the Great Proletarian Revolution
The majority of the Bolshevik delegates spent the rest of the night on October 26 here, in Smolny.
The whole next day, October 26, was filled with feverish work.
The appeal of the Second Congress of Soviets was sent out by telegraph and telephone wires to the whole country and all the armies.
A meeting of the Military Revolutionary Committee was held almost continuously.
His decisions were coordinated with Lenin, and often directly written by the leader of the revolution.
Lenin proposed to restore the normal activity of city institutions interrupted by the uprising as soon as possible.
In the morning, the order of the Military Revolutionary Committee appeared: to open all trading establishments from October 27.
All the empty rooms and apartments were taken under the control of the Military Revolutionary Committee.
The main attention was paid to the final defeat of the counter revolution.
The Military Revolutionary Committee ordered the suspension and delay of all military echelons en route to Petrograd.
"Giving the real prescription, so ended the disposal of the Military revolutionary Committee expects full support from the all Russia railway Union and calls for vigilance of all railway employees and workers, loyal to the cause of revolution" (The orders of the Military revolutionary Committee of the Petrograd Soviet of the R. S. D. // Izvestia of the Central Executive Committee and the Petrograd Soviet of workers 'and soldiers' deputies, No. 208, October 27, 1917).
A special appeal was sent to all railway workers, in which it was reported that the revolutionary power of the Soviets was taking on the task of improving the financial situation of railway workers.
This appeal, in the light of the recent conflict between the railway workers and the Provisional Government, played a huge role.
It drove a wedge between the bottom
