II All Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies
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II All Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies
Meeting of the II All Russian Congress of Soviets in Smolny.
October 25 (November 7), 1917
Government body All Russian Congress of Soviets Country Russian Soviet Republic
Meeting Room Assembly Hall, Smolny, Petrograd Term October 25-27 (November 7 — 9), 1917 Previous Congress I All Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies Next Congress III All Russian Congress of Soviets The dominant party of the RSDLP(b)
The Second All Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies, October 25-27 (November 7 — 9), 1917, Smolny, Petrograd.
Content
1 Background 2 Chronicle of the Congress 3 Estimates 4 See also 5 References 6 Literature 7 References
Background[edit / edit wiki text]
Main article: Bolshevization of the Soviets
During the autumn of 1917, the process of the RSDLP(b) gaining a majority in the Soviets, primarily in Petrograd and Moscow, was widely unfolding in Russia.
On September 17, the Bolshevik V. P. Nogin was elected chairman of the Presidium of the Moscow City Council, and on September 25, L. D. Trotsky was elected chairman of the Petrograd Soviet.
The Bolsheviks occupy up to 90 % of the seats in the Petrograd Soviet and up to 60 % in the Moscow City Council.
Since the end of September 1917, the Bolsheviks have been taking a course to seize the majority in the All Russian Soviet bodies, for which it was necessary to obtain a majority at the corresponding congresses of Soviets.
To this end, the RSDLP (b) initiates the convocation of the II All Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies.
At the end of September, the executive committee of the Bolshevized Petrograd Soviet sent a request to 69 local Soviets and army soldiers ' committees about their attitude to the convocation of the Second Congress.
This idea was met with hostility by the Social Revolutionaries and Mensheviks.
Of the 69 requested bodies, only 8 responded positively.
The reaction of the socialist revolutionary Menshevik army committees, which recognized the convocation of the Congress as "untimely", was particularly sharp.
The Bolshevization of the Soviets took place against the backdrop of an escalating political and military situation: the Provisional Government, after long delays, finally scheduled elections to the Constituent Assembly for November 12, and its first meeting for November 28.
Lenin was aware that the peasant majority of Russia would vote for the Social Revolutionaries, and expected to get no more than a third of the seats in the Constituent Assembly[source not specified 1134 days].
The situation at the front during this period also deteriorated significantly: on October 3 (16), an order was given to evacuate Revel, on October 8 (21), the Germans captured the Moonsund Islands, creating a threat directly to Petrograd.
The dress rehearsal of the Second Congress for the Bolsheviks was the First Congress of Soviets of the Northern Region organized by them in October, the lion's share of whose delegates were representatives of Petrograd and the Baltic Fleet, which were significantly bolshevized by that time.
As Richard Pipes emphasizes, this Congress was convened with a number of violations by the unrecognized Regional Committee of the Army, Navy and Workers of Finland (OKAFRF).
Among the delegates were even representatives of the Moscow province, which was not part of the Northern Region.
The Congress was characterized by a sharp predominance of Bolsheviks and left SRS.
As a result, the Bolshevik Left Socialist Revolutionary Northern Regional Committee was elected, which began work on convening the Second Congress on October 16.
All this activity of the Bolsheviks was not in any way coordinated with the old Soviet bodies, the majority of which remained socialist revolutionary Menshevik (the Central Executive Committee of the First Congress of Soviets of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies, the Central Executive Committee of the First Congress of Soviets of Peasants ' Deputies), the army committees, the Central Fleet.
The old Central Executive Committee said that due to violations, the Second Congress would only be an illegal "private meeting of individual Soviets".
On October 19, the official Soviet newspaper Izvestia noted that
No other committee [other than the VTSIK] is authorized and has no right to take the initiative to convene a congress.
Nevertheless, the Northern Regional Congress, convened in violation of all the rules established for regional congresses and representing randomly and arbitrarily selected Councils, has the right to do so.
Nevertheless, the Central Executive Committee still agreed to convene the Congress, achieving only its postponement from October 17 to October 25.
The preparation of the Congress became an occasion for disagreements between Lenin and Trotsky.
While Lenin demanded to start an armed uprising without waiting for the Congress, Trotsky managed to convince the majority of the Central Committee to postpone the uprising until its convocation.
According to Richard Pipes, such a strategy turned out to be "more realistic": the establishment of Bolshevik power was "disguised" as a seizure of power by non party Soviets.
According to the description of Trotsky himself,
...We call this uprising "legal" - in the sense that it grew out of the" normal " conditions of dual power.
And under the rule of the compromisers in the Petrograd Soviet, it happened more than once that the Council checked or corrected the decisions of the government.
It was as if it was part of the constitution of the regime that went down in history under the name of Kerenskyism.
When we, the Bolsheviks, came to power in the Petrograd Soviet, we only continued and deepened the methods of dual power.
We took it upon ourselves to check the order for the withdrawal of the garrison.
By doing this, we have covered up the actual uprising of the Petrograd garrison with the traditions and methods of legal dual power.
...If the compromisers caught us on Soviet legality through the Pre Parliament, which came out of the Soviets, then we caught them on the same Soviet legality through the Second Congress of Soviets…
In order for the maneuver to be victorious, a combination of absolutely exceptional circumstances, large and small, was necessary.
First of all, an army was needed that did not want to fight anymore.
The whole course of the revolution, especially in its first period, from February to October inclusive — we have already talked about this would have looked completely different if we had not had a broken and discontented multi million peasant army by the time of the revolution... we can say with confidence that this experience will never be repeated anywhere in this form.
But a thorough study of it is necessary.[1]
Chronicle of the congress[edit / edit wiki text]
The Congress held two sessions:
The first session of the congress is from 22: 45 on October 25 to 6 am on October 26:
The Congress was opened by the Menshevik Dan on October 25 (November 7) at 22: 45, at the height of the armed uprising that had begun in Petrograd; many delegates who had arrived from their places took part in it.
402 Councils were represented at the congress: 195 of them were united Soviets of Workers 'and Soldiers' deputies, 119 Soviets of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies with the participation of peasant deputies, 46 Soviets of Workers 'Deputies, 22 Soviets of Soldiers' and Sailors 'Deputies, 19 Soviets of Peasants' Deputies and 1 Council of Cossack Deputies.
According to the bureau of all factions, by the opening of the congress there were 649 delegates, including: 390 Bolsheviks, 160 Socialist Revolutionaries, 72 Mensheviks, 14 united internationalists, 6 Mensheviks internationalists, 7 Ukrainian Socialists.
By the end of the congress, after the departure of the right wing socialists and with the arrival of new delegates, there were 625 people, of whom: 390 Bolsheviks, 179 left Srs, 35 united internationalists, 21 Ukrainian socialists.
Thus, the Bolshevik Left Socialist Revolutionary coalition received about two thirds of the votes in it.
At the time of the opening of the congress, the Bolsheviks already controlled all of Petrograd, but the Winter Palace had not yet been taken.
In 1830, an ultimatum was presented to the defenders of the Winter Palace under the threat of shelling from the cruiser Aurora and the Peter and Paul Fortress.
"Aurora" fired one blank shot at 2100, at 2300 an undirected shelling was carried out from the Peter and Paul Fortress.
At night, most of the defenders of the palace dispersed, and it was occupied by revolutionary soldiers and sailors who tried to lynch the deposed ministers, demanding to "pin them".
At 210 am, the ministers of the Provisional Government arrested by Antonov Ovseenko V. A. were taken to the Peter and Paul Fortress.
On the way, in the area of the Trinity Bridge, the crowd that surrounded the ministers demanded "to cut off their heads and throw them into the Neva."
The first meeting is divided into two parts: - before the election of the presidium of the Congress consists of protest actions of moderate socialist parties against the Bolshevik uprising; - after the election of the presidium of the Congress from the Bolsheviks and left Srs and the departure from the Congress of representatives of the Mensheviks, right Srs and representatives of the Bund, the leadership of the Congress passes to the Bolsheviks .
The opening session of the congress was accompanied by a fierce political struggle, in which Trotsky represented the Bolshevik side as the most capable speaker.
The peasant soviets and all the soldiers ' committees at the army level refused to participate in the activities of the congress.
The Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries condemned the Bolsheviks 'speech as an "illegal coup".
Opponents of the Bolsheviks accused them of numerous frauds in the selection of delegates to the congress.
On October 25, the old composition of the Central Executive Committee also condemned the Bolsheviks, stating that "the Central Executive Committee considers the Second Congress to have failed and considers it as a private meeting of Bolshevik delegates.
The decisions of this congress, as illegal, are declared by the Central Executive Committee to be non binding for local Councils and all army committees.
The Central Executive Committee calls on the Soviets and army organizations to rally around it to protect the revolution.
The Central Executive Committee will convene a new congress of Soviets as soon as the conditions for its proper convocation are created."
Wikitek has the full text of the Decree on Peace
The Central Committee of the Menshevik Party condemned the October speech, calling it " the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks through a military conspiracy by violence against the will of democracy and the usurpation of the rights of the people."
The Menshevik Martov states the ambiguity of the situation in which his party found itself: on the one hand, "the power created by the method of an armed soldier's uprising, the power of one party cannot be recognized as a country and a democracy," on the other, " if the Bolsheviks are defeated by force of arms, the winner will be a third force that will crush all of us."
According to Martov, the Bolsheviks demonstrate " Arakcheev's understanding of socialism, and Pugachev's understanding of the class struggle."
The Menshevik Lieber, at the emergency congress of the Mensheviks on November 30, declares that " if we had taken power, we would have been stormed both from the right and from the left, and it would have been possible to retain power only by the methods of the Bolsheviks.
And since we are not adventurers, we would have to leave the government."
Wikitek has the full text of the Decree on Land
The reaction of the Social revolutionaries was equally sharp.
Thus, the central press organ of the Socialist Revolutionary Party, the newspaper Delo Naroda, condemned the Bolshevik speech, stating that " it is our duty to expose these traitors of the working class.
It is our duty to mobilize all our forces and stand up for the cause of the revolution."
Wikitek has the full text of the Decree on the Press
In its last address, the Pre Parliament called the new government "an enemy of the people and the revolution" and condemned the arrest by the Bolsheviks of socialist ministers among the ministers of the Provisional Government.
During the meeting, the delegates could hear the roar of artillery; according to eyewitnesses, the Menshevik Martov shuddered and announced: "The civil war has begun, comrades!
Our first question should be a peaceful resolution of the crisis... the question of power is being solved by a military conspiracy organized by one of the revolutionary parties..."
After the election of the presidium of the Congress from the Bolsheviks and left srs, a number of moderate socialist parties (Mensheviks, right Srs, Bund delegates) left the Congress in protest against the Bolshevik uprising and boycotted its work.
They moved to the City Duma of Petrograd and formed the "Committee for the Salvation of the Motherland and the Revolution" (it operated until October 29).
In turn, Trotsky, at the first meeting of the Second Congress, declared that "the uprising of the masses of the people does not need justification; what happened is not a conspiracy, but an uprising.
We tempered the revolutionary energy of the Petrograd workers and soldiers, we openly forged the will of the masses for an uprising, and not for a conspiracy, " and called the withdrawal of the Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries from the congress "a criminal attempt to disrupt the authorized All Russian representation of the workers and soldiers' masses at a time when the vanguard of these masses with weapons in their hands protects the Congress and the revolution from the onslaught of counterrevolution."
From 2:40 to 3:10 on October 26, there was a break in the first session of the congress.
At 3:10 a.m., Kamenev announces the fall of the Winter Palace and the arrest of the ministers of the Provisional Government.
After that, the Congress adopted an appeal "To the workers, soldiers and peasants", in which it was reported that "The Provisional Government has been deposed"; "...The Congress takes power into its own hands";
"The Congress decides: all local power passes to the Soviets of Workers', Soldiers 'and Peasants' Deputies...".
Ironically, it was L. B. Kamenev, who had recently opposed the uprising, who had to inform the Congress of Soviets about its victory.
At a meeting of the Central Committee of the RSDLP(b), Kamenev notes that "well, if they did something stupid and took power, then it is necessary to form a ministry"[4].
At 6 am, the congress closes the first meeting.
The second session of the congress is from 21: 00 on October 26 to 5: 15 on October 27:
At the second session, Lenin, met with stormy applause, reads out the decrees on peace and on land to the congress.
Further, Lenin suggests that the Congress dissolve the old composition of the Central Executive Committee, choosing instead a new composition of the Central Executive Committee and form a Provisional Workers 'and Peasants' government, the Council of People's Commissars.
The Congress adopts (around 22:30 on October 26) a decree on peace, which contains an appeal to all the warring peoples and their governments with an appeal to "immediately conclude a truce", "immediately begin negotiations on a just democratic peace" without annexations and indemnities.
The Congress passes a decree on land (at 2 o'clock on October 27), which contains the decision: - on the nationalization of the entire land and " its conversion into the national heritage"; - confiscation of landowners ' estates and their transfer to the disposal of land committees and county councils of peasant deputies; - the transfer of land for the use of peasants on the principles of equalization (according to the labor or consumer norm); - hired labor is not allowed.
According to Trotsky's memoirs, he was the author of the term "people's commissar"; later this authorship was attributed to Antonov Ovseenko.
At the meeting of the Bolshevik Central Committee on the morning of October 25, the first after the seizure of power, Lenin V. I., Trotsky L. D., Stalin I. V., Smilga I. T., Milutin V. P., Zinoviev G. E., Kamenev L. B., Berzin Ya.
A. Gathered.
According to Trotsky's memoirs,
Power in St. Petersburg has been won.
We need to form a government.
— What should I call it?
Lenin reasoned aloud.
- Not by ministers: this is a vile, worn out name.
"We could be commissars," I suggested, " but there are too many commissars now.
Maybe the High Commissioners?..
no, "supreme" sounds bad.
Is it possible to "folk"?
- People's commissars?
Well, this will probably do.
And the government as a whole?
- The Council of People's Commissars?
"The Council of People's Commissars," Lenin picked up, " is excellent: it smells of revolution.
The Second Congress of Soviets formed a government the Provisional Workers 'and Peasants' Government, the Council of People's Commissars headed by V. I. Lenin, which, due to the refusal of the left Social Revolutionaries, included only Bolsheviks.
Trotsky became the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs, Stalin became the chairman for ethnic affairs.
Due to the pressure of the executive committee of the railway trade union of Vikzhel, the post of People's Commissar for Railway Affairs was temporarily left unfilled.
At the second session of the Second Congress of Soviets, the left socialist Revolutionary Kamkov announced that the left Socialist Revolutionary faction was not going to leave the Congress after the Mensheviks and right Socialist Revolutionaries, but noted that " the peasantry is not with the Bolsheviks, and the peasantry is the infantry of the revolution, without which the revolution must perish."
According to the Decree issued by the Congress "On the Formation of a Workers' and Peasants 'Government", the Council of People's Commissars was elected before the convocation of the Constituent Assembly and was called the "Provisional Workers' and Peasants 'Government", the government's accountability to the Congress of Soviets and its permanent body, the VTsIK, was declared.
Among the 101 members of the new CEC (more often referred to as the VTSIK) there were 62 Bolsheviks and 29 left SRS, 6 united Social Democrats internationalists, 3 Ukrainian Socialists and 1 socialist maximalist.
L. B. Kamenev became the chairman of the VTSIK.
On October 27 (November 9), the Congress issued an appeal to the local Soviets to "rally around the new composition of the VTSIK", the powers of the commissars of the former (socialist revolutionary Menshevik) composition of the VTSIK in the army and in the field were declared terminated.
At 5: 15 on October 27, the second meeting ended and the II All Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies completed its work.
Wikitek has the full text of the Decree on the fullness of the power of the Soviets
On October 27 (November 9), 1917, all the arrested socialist ministers of the Provisional Government were released on parole.
Some of those released soon engaged in anti Bolshevik activities.
thus, the Minister of Food S. N. Prokopovich was released on October 25, but immediately joined the anti Bolshevik Committee for the Salvation of the Motherland and the Revolution and became one of the main organizers of the protest demonstration of the Vowels (deputies) The Petrograd City Duma.
Ratings[edit / edit wiki text]
This section lacks links to information sources.
The information must be verifiable, otherwise it may be questioned and deleted.
You can edit this article by adding links to authoritative sources.
This mark was set on November 8, 2012.
The Second Congress of Soviets of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies was the second most important event of the October Revolution of 1917 in Russia, after the armed uprising.
The Congress actually solved the tasks facing the Constituent Assembly in the question of choosing the form of power in the country.
The Congress formed a new composition of the Central Executive Committee and the first composition of the Council of People's Commissars, issued a number of key decrees (a decree on Peace, a Decree on Land, a decree on the full power of the Soviets[8], a decree on the abolition of the death penalty at the front, etc.)
The socialist revolutionary Menshevik boycott of the Congress actually untied the hands of the Bolsheviks, making the first composition of the new government 100% Bolshevik.
Contemporary N. N. Sukhanov in his fundamental work "Notes on the Revolution" mentioned with regret:
...We left, no one knows where and why, breaking with the Soviet, mixing ourselves with elements of the counter revolution, discrediting and humiliating ourselves in the eyes of the masses, undermining the entire future of our organization and our principles.
This is not enough: we left, completely freeing the hands of the Bolsheviks, making them complete masters of the whole situation, giving them the entire arena of the revolution entirely…When we left the congress, leaving the Bolsheviks with only the left Socialist Revolutionary guys and a weak group of New Lifers, we gave the Bolsheviks a monopoly over the Soviet, over the masses, over the revolution with our own hands.
By our own unwise will, we ensured the victory of the entire Lenin line…
Apparently, during the October Revolution and immediately after it, the establishment of a one party system was not yet part of the Bolsheviks ' plans.
By the autumn of 1917, Lenin and Trotsky had managed to put together a broad coalition of Bolshevik radicals, left SRS, anarchists, interdistricts and non — factional Social Democrats, including Trotsky himself.
The left SRS took an active part in the revolution, actively supporting the Bolsheviks, including at the Congress of Soviets of the Northern Region, at the II All Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies, at the Peasants ' Congress; the Petrograd VRK included, in addition to the Bolsheviks and left Srs, also anarchists.
If the first post — October composition of the Council of People's Commissars was Bolshevik (since December 1917 Bolshevik left Socialist Revolutionary), then the Central Executive Committee ("Soviet parliament") elected by the Congress of Soviets had a more diverse party composition.
Although the Bolsheviks and the left social Revolutionaries secured a majority in advance, the Central Executive Committee was represented by a faction of Mensheviks internationalists close to the Bolsheviks, as well as Ukrainian socialists, there was one representative of the radical faction of the Socialist Revolutionaries maximalists.
Representatives of moderate socialists did not join the VTSIK because of their boycott.
On November 1 (14), 1917, the Central Executive Committee adopted a resolution "On the terms of an agreement with other parties", in which it explicitly stated that it considers "an agreement of the socialist parties desirable".
The terms of such an agreement were put forward as follows:
1. Recognition of the program of the Soviet government, as it is expressed in the decrees on land, peace and both projects on workers ' control.
2. Recognition of the need for a merciless struggle against the counter revolution (Kerensky, Kornilov and Kaledin).
3. Recognition of the Second All Russian Congress as the only source of power.
4. The Government is responsible to the Central Executive Committee.
5. Addition of the Central Executive Committee, except for organizations that are not part of the Soviets, representatives from the Soviets of Workers', Soldiers 'and Peasants' Deputies not represented in it; proportional representation of All Russian professional organizations that have left the Congress of Soviets of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies, such as: the Council of Trade Unions, the Union of Factory Committees, Vikzhel, the Union of Postal and Telegraph Workers and Employees, provided and only after the re election of the All Russian Council of Peasant Deputies and those military organizations that have not been re elected in the last three months[9].
In Soviet historiography, the Second Congress of Soviets was traditionally considered as the legitimization of the new government ("the transfer of power seized by the rebellious people into the hands of the Soviets was formalized and legislated by the II All Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers 'and Soldiers 'Deputies").
On the other hand, unlike the Constituent Assembly, the peasant majority of the country was not represented at all at the Congress: the Second All Russian Congress of Soviets of Peasant Deputies was held a month later and was marked by a tough struggle between the Bolshevik left Socialist Revolutionary coalition and the right wing Socialist Revolutionaries.
As Richard Pipes points out, the total representation of the Bolsheviks and the left SRS at the Congress of Soviets of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies was artificially inflated by about half.
In addition, according to the researcher, without the help of the left social revolutionaries, who positioned themselves as a peasant party, the Bolsheviks would not have been able to seize control of the Peasant Congress.
However, the left Srs, following the moderate socialists, refused to enter the new government.
On November 15, 1917, the VTSIK of the Workers 'and Soldiers' Congresses and the VTSIK of the Peasants ' Congresses merged, after which the left SRS nevertheless agreed to join the Council of People's Commissars, forming a government coalition with the Bolsheviks[10].
Chronology of the 1917 Revolution in Russia Before:
The October Armed Uprising in Petrograd
see also Petrogradsky VRK, Storming of the Winter Palace
Demarche of the Petrograd City Duma: see Demonstration of impotence
The struggle for the legitimization of the new government:
II All Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies II All Russian Congress of Soviets of Peasants ' Deputies
Armed struggle immediately after the Bolsheviks took power:
October Armed Uprising in Moscow 1917 Kerensky — Krasnov's campaign against Petrograd
Other collisions
Speech of the Junkers on October 29 under the auspices of the Committee for the Salvation of the Motherland and the Revolution The occupation of the Supreme Commander's Headquarters by the Bolsheviks (1917) The armed uprising in Tashkent in October 1917 The December battles of 1917 in Irkutsk
After:
Formation of a new government:
Council of People's Commissars of the RSFSR
The crisis of the new government:
Homogeneous socialist government Boycott of the Soviet government by civil servants (1917-1918) Diplomatic isolation of the Soviet government (1917-1924)
See also[edit / edit wiki text]
The First All Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies The Struggle for Power in Russia in 1917 The Provisional Workers 'and Peasants' Government
Links[edit / edit wiki text]
Address of the Petrograd Military Revolutionary Committee "To the citizens of Russia!"
Address of the II All Russian Congress of Soviets to Workers, Soldiers and Peasants.
The decree of peace.
The decree on the land.
Decree on the formation of a Workers 'and Peasants' government.
The Second All Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies, was held on October 25-27 (November 7-9), 1917 § 6.
II Congress of Soviets in L. A. Katsva, History of Russia.
The Soviet period. (1917-1991)
Mikhail Lifshits "The Moral Significance of the October Revolution", 1967, Collected works in three volumes.
Volume 3.
Moscow "Fine Art".
1988.
p. 230.
A more complete text of the article published in the journal "Communist", 1985, No.
4. A. S. Pokrovsky The First Workers 'and Soldiers' Parliament of Russia I All Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies (June 3-24, 1917): The experience of reconstructing the list of participants;
The contours of the social portrait.
The responsible editor is V. M. Lavrov.
Moscow, 2001
Literature[edit / edit wiki text]
Lenin V. I., The Second All Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies on October 25-26 (November 7-8), 1917, Complete Collection of Soch., 5th ed., vol .
35 Collection of legalizations and orders of the government for 1917-1918, Moscow, 1942 Decrees of the Soviet government, vol .
1, Moscow, 1957 The October armed Uprising in Petrograd.
Documents and materials, Moscow, 1957 The Second All Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies.
Collection of documents, Moscow, 1957
Links[edit / edit wiki text]
The October Uprising and the Soviet "legality": L. Trotsky.
Historical preparation of October.
From February to October Нен Nenarokov A. P. Political parties of Russia: history and modernity.
Chapter XV.
The political defeat of the Mensheviks.
Checked on January 26, 2011.
Archived from the original source on June 2, 2012.
↑ BSE.
The newspaper "Delo Naroda".
Checked on January 26, 2011.
Archived from the original source on June 2, 2012.
Влад Vladlen Loginov, [1] Дек Decree on the formation of the Council of People's Commissars ↑ of the Central Executive Committee of Soviets (RSFSR) / / The Great October Socialist Revolution. : Encyclopedia.
M.,.
- 1987..
- S. S.
110..
Дек Decrees of the Soviet government.
Electronic Library of the Faculty of History of Moscow State University Дек Decree on the completeness of the power of the Soviets of October 28 (November 10), 1917 News Archive on Belarus.
NewsBy.org.
Дек Decrees of the Soviet government.
Electronic Library of the Faculty of History of Moscow State University Глава Chapter 11
Source — "https://ru.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=II All Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies&oldid=75026444"
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